:<w^^' 










^.nc.^' 



A" 







- %.^* -'^^'t >^^^''' ••^^- "*-/ 







O » ' ^-^j 



























"rift 



:'?^.. „^ _ 

■» < 






-^°* 












.*'% 




* 4^ 












V^ .V 






.0 



















" " * "^ -V^ 



^/,V *^ A*- * 












Eugene de Beauharnais 




&ycea!^'^-2^^ cie^ t.y^^&ixMA-a/b', 



Napoleon 
And His Adopted Son 

Eugene de Beauharnais and His 
Relations with the Emperor 



By 

V. M. Montagu 

Author of " Sophie Dawes, Queen of Chantilly " 
" The Abbe Edgeworth and His Friends," etc. 



With Photogravure and Sixteen other Portraits 
and Illustrations 



New York 
McBride, Nast & Company 

1914 



5C ^:< 



3 



TO 

GABRIELLE ANGELIQUE NEVEU 

She stood where two ways met, when youth all hidden things 

would know. 
Upon my brow the dawn of Life, on hers the sunset glow. — 
" Tell me, wise friend, which path to choose, for oh ! I long to learn 
The whence and whereunto of Life, how Fate her wheel doth turn ; 
The riddle of Eternity no mortal mind can guess. 
The why and wherefore of stern Death, the goal tow'rds which we 

press." — 
" The paths may part awhile," she said ; " one rough, one smooth 

appear, 
Yet rough and smooth some day will merge into one perfect sphere. 
Our fate is but the common fate, the End lies far away ; 
With tear-dimmed eyes we search for Light and groping lose our 

way ; 
Our greedy hands outstretched to grasp oft miss what we should 

prize ; 
Our fluttering wings we fain would spread, yet fail from earth to 

rise ; 
But take this book where men have read the riddle of the Sage. . . ." 
With eager eyes and trembling hand I conned each well-worn page. 
And read while Titan drove his steeds across the azure dome. 
The twilight found me reading still within that ponderous tome. . . . 
A mist before my eyes did pass, cool dew — or was it rain ? — 
The story of humanity was fraught with grief and pain ! 
Tho' fast I read, still fainter grew the words of Eastern Seers, 
And lo ! the last page of that book was blotted out with tears ! 



Preface 



GRATITUDE and ingratitude have inspired the world's 
greatest authors with some of their most beautiful 
thoughts. Dante, who imprisons in his literary pillory all 
the faults which mankind is prone to commit, reserves his 
worst punishments for those who have been guilty of that 
most unnatural crime ingratitude ; a sin peculiar to us, the 
superior creation, for ingratitude is seldom met with among 
animals. In the second sphere of the thirty-second and 
lowest circle of Hell, that place which Dante calls Antenora, 
" a place so horrible that words fail to describe it," where the 
souls of those who have been ungrateful to their country 
and betrayed it stand immersed in a frozen lake, their 
bodies black and blue with cold, tears of anguish gushing 
from their eyes and their teeth chattering so loudly that 
the poet and his guide are reminded of the croaking of frogs 
in the marshes at night or the noise made by storks opening 
and shutting their beaks in springtime, stands Buoso da 
Duera, a native of Cremona, who, for a bribe offered by Guy 
de Montfort, left the pass leading to his native town un- 
protected and thus enabled the army of Charles d'Anjou to 
take possession of Cremona and destroy it ; and in this 
fearful place Buoso da Duera is condemned to suffer eternal 
torments for having accepted French gold. 

We gladly turn from this scene of horror to contemplate 
the reward reserved for those who have shown themselves 
grateful towards their benefactors. In Paradise Dante 
places a certain Romeo, whose identity is somewhat obscure, 
some saying that he was a baron of Vence, a town near Nice, 
others declaring that he was a Spanish prince, while not a 
few assert that the name of Romeo in this case means a 
pellegrino a Roma, or pilgrim to Rome. Be this as it may, 

9 



10 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

this Romeo was a steward in the house of Raimondo 
BerHnghieri, to whom Romeo, in return for kind treatment, 
gave wise counsel and, as the poet puts it in his quaint 
phraseology, " rendered his master twelve for every ten 
he had received from his hand." For Raimondo's four 
daughters Romeo found four royal husbands in the persons 
of Louis IX of France, Charles d'Anjou, Henry III of Eng- 
land and the latter's brother Richard. But jealous courtiers 
crept in between master and servitor and poisoned Rai- 
mondo's mind so that he had no peace until he had driven 
the faithful Romeo from his house. And thus Romeo, 
although old and worn with years of honourable service, 
was forced to beg his daily bread. 

"And if the world but knew what treasures in his heart he bore. 
Though he his daily bread with tears did beg from door to door. 
Much would it praise that faithful man and praise still more." ^ 

During Napoleon's eventful career he met with every 
form and variety of human character. It would seem as if 
he, the greatest man in modern history, had been fated to 
sound the depths of human meanness. How often did he 
not bestow his affection upon, and place his confidence in 
some unworthy person, one of those generals, perhaps, of 
whom he was so proud, or, worse still, a member of his own 
family ! And when Death at last came to quench his 
unconquerable spirit, he had learnt the height and depth of 
ingratitude. 

In the following pages I have endeavoured to show that 
he did not always throw his benefits away upon unworthy 
objects and that, notwithstanding Marmont and Fouche's 
assertions, Eugene de Beauharnais deserved the affection 
which his adoptive father always displayed for him and 
continued to do so until the last day of his life. 

The viceroy of Italy was not perfect ; he, too, had his 
moments of moral weakness, and I should be deceiving my 
readers were I to hide his faults. An Eastern saying, " He 
who would find a perfect friend must walk the world alone," 
also applies to the author who would hope to find a faultless 
character in history about which to write. But at least 

1 " E se il mondo sapesse 11 cuor ch' egli ebbe, 
Mendicando sua vita a frusto a frusto, 
Assai lo lode, e pii lo loderebbe." 



PREFACE II 

Eugene did not plan the overthrow of his benefactor, as 
Murat did ; nor did he help to bring it about, as Marmont 
indubitably helped ; nor did he rejoice thereat, as Marie- 
Louise rejoiced in deeds if not in words. 

I have consulted all the works I could find concerning 
Eugene de Beauharnais ; and from this mass of evidence for 
and against the viceroy of Italy, I have endeavoured to sift 
the truth. Strange to say, a good biography of the adopted 
son of Napoleon does not exist in the French language. The 
ten volumes of his memoirs and correspondence edited by 
Baron du Casse are rather stiff reading for the general 
public, although admirers of Napoleon will revel in this 
veritable treasure-house of letters to and from the imperial 
mentor. 

Perhaps the chief interest in Eugene de Beauharnais' 
life lies in the fact that, as the step-son of General Bonaparte 
and the adopted son of the Emperor Napoleon, he witnessed 
and assisted at most of the important episodes in that 
wonderful man's career. Eugene only lived forty-three 
years, but those years were full of events. Born in the 
feverishly brilliant years before the first fall of the Bourbon 
dynasty, he saw the great Revolution spread over France ; 
he watched the rising of Napoleon's star, the blossoming of 
the Consulship for life, the fruition of the Empire, the 
Hundred Days' marvel, and the eclipse of a great man's 
star ; his own life closed in retirement a few years before 
the Revolution of July overthrew the Bourbon dynasty for 
the third time. These facts alone should make his life 
worth recounting. But there are other interesting points in 
his story. 

Napoleon and Eugene all unconsciously influenced each 
other's lives in no small degree. 

Those who, like Napoleon, are fatalists can find much to 
ponder over in the story of Eugene's first meeting with the 
man whose fate was to influence his own. 

And Eugene's influence over his adoptive father, until 
that adoptive father's divorce, was considerable and, as we 
shall see, was the means of postponing his mother's divorce 
on more than one occasion. Supposing Eugene had not 
gone to Italy but had continued to live near his adoptive 
father, perhaps that divorce would never have come about. 



12 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Napoleon's divorce was the outcome of a crisis ; historians 
have shown us whose fault it was that such a question ever 
came on the tapis. But when once that idea had taken root 
in Napoleon's brain, no feelings of remorse or regret could 
prevent its accomplishment. 

True affection — ^the affection that does not need to express 
itself in words — is not a worthless object to be cast aside for 
the empty protestations of devotion uttered by obsequious 
friends. Napoleon would perhaps have been a happier man 
and been spared much mental suffering if he had been 
content with the successes won by his Grand Army in 1809 
and if he had made Eugene his successor on the throne of 
France. 

In conclusion let us remark that to Eugene de Beau- 
harnais belongs the honour of having kept at his post until 
the very last, until his adoptive father's abdication at 
Fontainebleau took the burden from his shoulders and witk 
it the reward which should have been his. His reward, 
however, is to be found in the concluding sentence of this 
biography of a good man. 

VioLETTE M. Montagu. 

Paris, January, 191 3. 



I wish to express my deep gratitude to MM. Maurice 
Orange, Realier-Dumas and F. Schommer for allowing me 
to reproduce their pictures, and to Messrs. Walter Pulitzer, 
and Dodd, Mead and Co., of New York, for the permission 
to include in my book the three portraits which figure in 
the late Mr. Albert Pulitzer's invaluable work Le Roman 
du Prince Eugene. 



Contents 



CHAPTER I 

Birth and childhood of Eugdne de Beauharnais — Family dissensions 
— Mme. de Beauharnais prepares for the coming storm — M. de 
Beauharnais is thrown into prison — His wife shares his fate — • 
Execution of the beau danseur — Mme. de Beauharnais is released 
from prison — The pinch of poverty — Eugene is sent to school 
at Saint-Germain-en-Laye — General Hoche befriends him Page 21 

CHAPTER II 

Eugene makes the acquaintance of his future step-father — General 
Bonaparte pays court to Mme. de Beauharnais — Eugene is again 
sent to college — 'General Bonaparte marries the widow Beau- 
harnais — Eugene becomes his step-father's aide-de-camp — He 
visits the Ionian Isles — He receives his baptism of fire in Rome 
— He is ordered to accompany General Bonaparte to Egypt — 
A strange and embarrassing visit — The taking of Jaffa — St. Jean 
d'Acre resists General Bonaparte — Return to France . . 49 

CHAPTER III 

Eugene obtains pardon for his mother — The i8th Brumaire — 
Eugene enjoys practical jokes — His portrait — His step-father 
and his mother take up their abode at the Tuileries — He pays his 
second visit to Italy — Returns to Paris via Geneva — His first 
love-affair — He meets an old friend from Rome — Third visit to 
Italy — 'Eugene is given the rank of colonel — Murder of the due 
d'Enghien .......... 83 

CHAPTER IV 

Napoleon becomes Emperor of the French — Eugene accompanies 
his step-father and his mother to Aix-la-Chapelle — He refuses to 
abandon his mother — The Emperor is crowned — Eugene falls in 
love for the third time — He is sent to Italy for the fourth time — 
He is made a prince of the French Empire — Napoleon on being 
crowned in Italy makes Eugene viceroy of that country — Un- 
easy lies the head which wears a crown — He incurs his step- 
father's anger . . . . . . . . .106 

13 



14 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 



CHAPTER V 

Eugdne works too hard — He makes the acquaintance of his future 
brother-in-law — More scolding — Austria begins to give trouble 
again — Eugene prepares for war — Napoleon's habits of secrecy 
— Eugene issues a proclamation to the Italian nation — He learns 
of his step-father's successes and regrets that he has no share in 
those successes — Ghiraldina ...... Page 122 

CHAPTER VI 

Eugene is ordered to marry the princess Augusta- Amelia of Bavaria 
—He starts for Munich — Napoleon adopts him as his son — The 
marriage is celebrated — Some wedding guests — Napoleon's 
affection for his adopted daughter — The happy pair start for 
Italy — The welcome to the new home — Love of the Milanese for 
their vice-reine — ^Napoleon's opinion of the Catholic clergy — He 
pays a visit to his adopted son and his bride — Eugene conducts 
his Court on the lines of common sense . . . . .142 

CHAPTER VII 

Austria breaks her promises — Marmont earns for himself the title of 
due de Raguse — Eugene receives an invitation to take his bride 
to Paris — He pays a visit to Istria — Description of a miUtary 
hospital in the beginning of the nineteenth century — The armee 
d' Italic ordered to seize Civita-Vecchia — Birth of Eugene's first 
child — More trouble with the Pope — 'Birth of Eugene's second 
child ........... 162 

CHAPTER VIII 

Eugene endeavours to pacify the Pope — Austria prepares for another 
war — Eugene receives command of the armee d' Italic — His defeat 
at Sacile is followed by several successes — The armee d' Italic joins 
the Grand Army — Eugene goes to Vienna and is then ordered to 
subdue Hungary — He does so and returns to the Austrian capital 
— Peace is signed between the two Emperors . . . .194 

CHAPTER IX 

Eugene tries persuasion in the Tyrol — He issues a proclamation to the 
Tyrolese and thereby offends his father-in-law — He wishes to 
obtain an interview with Andreas Hofer — Return to Milan — 
Napoleon accords a strange reception to Eugene's cousin — Eugene 
is requested to come to Paris — The blow falls — A painful family 
meeting — The Bonapartes triumph over the de Beauharnais — 
The ex-Empress retires to La Malmaison — Eugene's opinion is 
asked — He returns home — The vice-regal couple assist at the 
Emperor's second marriage ....... 226 



CONTENTS 15 



CHAPTER X 

Napoleon's thoughtfulness for his late wife — An engagement with 
the English off Lissa — Eugene's eldest son is born — He devotes 
himself to his little family — Eugene has to come up to Paris for 
the birth of the King of Rome — He goes to stay with his mother 
— He returns to Italy— A new war appears upon the horizon — 
The Russian campaign — The Emperor abandons his post 
— Eugene accepts the post of commander-in-chief . . Page 245 

CHAPTER XI 

Eugene begins his difficult task — He saves the life of his orderly at 
the Battle of Mockern— The Battle of Liitzen — Eugene receives 
orders to return to Italy in order to raise more troops — Austria 
declares war — Wholesale desertion of ItaUan and Croatian 
soldiers — Eugene's father-in-law tries to persuade him to betray 
the Emperor's confidence — The Emperor receives false reports 
of Eugene's behaviour — A mysterious interview — Eugene is 
offered a very valuable bribe — -The King of Bavaria is discom- 
fited ........... 275 

CHAPTER XII 

Joachim Murat shows his hand — Augusta pays her husband a flying 
visit — France is invaded — The Emperor at bay — Murat signs 
a treaty with Austria but hesitates to declare war against France 
— More attempts are made to bribe Eugene — Augusta's painful 
position — Eugene begs the Emperor to let him know his inten- 
tions concerning Italy — He issues another proclamation — He 
endeavours to influence Murat — The Battle of the Mincio — 
Napoleon sends the viceroy his instructions — Josephine and 
Hortense urge Eugene to keep faithful— Napoleon wins his last 
victories — Eugene writes to Marshal Bellegarde, begging him to 
protect Augusta — Napoleon's anger on hearing of Eugene's 
letter and the marshal's reply^ — Fouche pays Eugene another 
visit — Eugene's last victory — Murat writes to Napoleon . 297 

CHAPTER XIII 

Murat's behaviour excites indignation — Augusta takes shelter in 
Mantua — Napoleon " forfeits " the throne of France — Eugene's 
mission ends — The King of Bavaria urges him to leave Italy — 
Birth of another daughter — The Italian army begs Eugene to 
remain in Italy — He bids farewell to his troops — Murder of 
Prina — Napoleon leaves France — Eugene goes with his family 
to Munich — Josephine wishes her son to be made connetable — 
Eugene pays a visit to Paris — He is introduced to the new tenant 
of the Tuileries and makes many friends — Illness and death of 
the ex-Empress Josephine ....... 321 



i6 eug£ne de beauharnais 



CHAPTER XIV 

Eugene returns to Munich — He goes to Vienna in the hope of receiv- 
ing a position — The Eagle prepares to spread his wings again — 
The comet of the Cent- Jours flashes across the political horizon — 
Fifteen thousand veterans reply to the Emperor's call — Eug6ne, 
having given his word to remain passive, is unable to join his 
step-father — Eugene gets into trouble — He is offered the 
principaUty of Ponte-Corvo — He accepts part of the offer — 
Napoleon prepares for another fiasco— Waterloo — Napoleon looks 
his last upon France — Eugene tries to soften the fate of the 
prisoner on the island of Saint Helena — Eugene is able to succour 
soxae victinxs oi the Terreur blanche .... Page 339 

CHAPTER XV 

Hortense and her brother exchange visits — Eugene's kindness to his 
wife's sister — He receives the httle State of Eichstatt — Birth of his 
second son — He intercedes for the Prisoner of Saint Helena — • 
Napoleon's opinion of his adopted son — Lord Kinnaird is sent to 
Munich — Death of Eugene's benefactor — His grief — Prince 
Oscar of Sweden begs for the hand of the Princess Josephine — 
Eugene's illness — His daughter marries — Eugene dies in Augusta's 
arms . . . . . . . . . . . 358 



Index ........... 377 



List of Illustrations 



Eugene DE Beauharnais .... Frontispiece 

To face page 

HORTENSE DE Beauharnais, from an old print . . . . 26 



Napoleon Bonaparte in his Youth, from a bust by an unknown 
sculptor in the Museum of Ajaccio . . . . 

Napoleon at Boulogne in 1804 . . . . 

Maximilian-Joseph, King of Bavaria 

Augusta-Amelia, wife of Eugene de Beauharnais, from the 
portrait at Drottningholm ..... 

Charge of the Grenadiers de la Garde at Eylau . 

Eugene de Beauharnais, from the portrait at Arenenberg 

Napoleon I wounded outside Ratisbon 

The Children of Eugene de Beauharnais, from the picture at 
Arenenberg ...... 

EuGi:NE DE Beauharnais and Napoleon I in 1812 

Queen Caroline, wife of Maximilian-Joseph of Bavaria . 

Napoleon's Arrival at the College of Brienne 

Napoleon Leaves Elba to Return to France (March, 1815) 

Schloss Berg, Bavaria ..... 

The Luitpold Palace, Munich .... 

The Tomb of EuGi:NE de Beauharnais 

The Church of Saint Michael, Munich 



5° 
124 
142 

148 
172 
194 
198 

226 
252 
286 
304 
342 
356 
360 
372 
372 



17 



Bibliography 



Memoir es et Correspondance du prince Eugene, lo volumes. 
Albert Pulitzer : Le Roman du prince Eugene. 
Planat de La Faye : Le prince Eugene en 1814. 
Frederic Masson : Napoleon et safamille. 

Josephine de Beauharnais. 
Due de Raguse : Memoires, 6 volumes. 

General de Vaudoncourt : Histoire politique du prince Eugene. 
Antoine Aubriet : Vie politique et militaire du prince Eugene. 

G : Histoire du prince Eugene de Beauharnais. 

Andre Duboscq : Louis Bonaparte en Hollande. 
Mme. de Remusat : Mimoires, 3 volumes. 
Joseph Turquan : Mme. Recamier. 

„ „ La generate Bonaparte. 

„ ,, L'imperatrice Josephine. 

,, ,, La reine Hortense. 

,, ,, Napoleon amour eux. 

Constant : Memoires sur la vie privee de Napoleon, 3 volumes. 
Mademoiselle Avrillon : Memoires, 4 volumes. 
Darnay, baron : Notes historiques sur le prince Eugine. 
Anon. : Memoires sur la cour du prince Eugene, par un Franfais. 
Georgette Ducrest : Memoires sur l'imperatrice Josephine. 
M. N. Bouillet : Dictionnaire universel. 
Dictionnaire Jal : Article sur Eugene de Beauharnais. 
J. Ouvrard : Memoires et revelations d'un page de la cour imperiale. 
Joseph Bonaparte : Memoires et correspondance. 

Emile de Saint-Hilaire : Les aides-de-camp de I'Empereur, 2 volumes. 
Comte de Lavalette : Memoires et souvenirs, 4 volumes. 
Anon. : Le due de Raguse devant I'histoire. 
General Rapp : Memoires. ^j 

Miot de Melito : Memoires, 2 volumes. 
G. B. Intra : Nuova guida illustrata di Mantova. 
Mademoiselle Cochelet : Memoires sur la reine Hortense. 
General Desire Chlapowski : Memoires des guerres de Napoleon. 
W. F. van Scheelten : Memoires. 

L'imperatrice Josephine : Memoires et correspondance. 
Charles Bernard-Derosne : Memoires sur la reine Hortense. 
A. V. Arnault : Souvenirs d'un sexagenaire, 4 volumes. 
Duchesse d'Abrantes : Memoires, 18 volumes. 

19 



20 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Jacques de La Faye : Princesse Charlotte de Rohan et le due d' Enghien. 

Grace Dalrymple Elliott : Journal of my Life during the Revolution. 

John G. Alger : Englishmen in the French Revolution. 

Fouch6 : Memoires. 

Dr. William Beattie : The Danube. 

Meneval : Memoires. 

Marshal Macdonald : Souvenirs. 

J. Erk : Liederschatz. 

Dr. Antommarchi : Les derniers moments de NapoUon. 

Correspondance de Napoleon, 36 volumes. 

Bourrienne : Memoires, 8 volumes. 

Due de Rovigo : Memoires. 

Anon. : La folie de Junot (article in Historia). 

Gilbert Stenger : Grandes dames du XIX""^ Siecle. 

F. H. Cheetham : Louis Napoleon and the Genesis of the Second Empire. 

Sir N. Wraxall : Posthumous Memoirs, 3 volumes. 

Armand Lefebvre : Histoire des cabinets de I'Europe, 2 volumes. 



Eugene de Beauharnais 



CHAPTER I 

Birth and childhood of Eugene de Beauharnais — Family dissensions — 
Mme. de Beauharnais prepares for the coming storm — M. de Beau- 
harnais is thrown into prison — His wife shares his fate — Execution of 
the beau danseur — Mme. de Beauharnais is released from prison — The 
pinch of poverty — Eugene is sent to school at Saint-Germain-en-Laye 
— General Hoche befriends him. 

THE last decade of the eighteenth century was dawn- 
ing heralded by blood-red clouds and moaning wind, 
sure signs of trouble in the near future. The reigns of the 
Roi Soleil and of Louis le Bien-Aime, that period of French 
history which may be likened to the oppressive heat of a 
midsummer day when a thunderstorm is brewing, one and 
a half centuries of ever-increasing extravagance, wasteful- 
ness and dissolute morals, had brought the fair land of 
France to the brink of a precipice from which neither the 
effete efforts of an amateur locksmith nor the pastoral 
follies of the Autrichienne could save her, but from which 
she was to emerge to enjoy such prosperity as she has 
never known before or since. The descendants of the 
toilers who had borne the heat and burden of the day and 
had been denied their hire had grown weary of obeying ; 
they, too, wished to take their turn at playing the master. 
The Bastille had fallen — or surrendered — and, in its fall, 
had released a mere handful of prisoners, one of whom had 
long ago forgotten his name and the crime, real or imaginary, 
for which he had been imprisoned. The attention of those 
who hoped for better things was fixed upon the Etats gene- 
raux and especially upon the Tiers Etat, which, far more 
numerous than the representatives of the clergy and of the 
nobility, had loudly declared its intention of giving France 



22 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

her much-needed constitution. On winning its first victory, 
the Tiers Etat changed the name of the Etats generaux to 
that of the Assemblee nationale constituante ; in future the 
Tiers Etat was to be all-powerful. Those who attended the 
seances of this ambitious assembly might frequently have 
noticed a little boy of about nine years of age seated close 
to the great stove placed in the middle of the salle, holding 
in his right hand the left hand of one of the most enthusi- 
astic supporters of the new ideas, while with the other he 
clasped the right hand of a member of that old French 
nobihty which had sworn to die rather than yield the least 
of its privileges. Politics had estranged these two deputies, 
brothers by ties of blood, but enemies by profession ; they 
seldom addressed one another. The deputy to the left of 
the juvenile politician was Francois de Beauhamais, the 
child's uncle ; while the deputy seated on his right was his 
father, the vicomte Alexandre de Beauharnais, represent- 
ing the department of Blois and one of that httle body of 
nobles who, like Jacques d'Aumont and Louis de Noailles, 
were already beginning to consider the advisability of 
getting rid of their titles — if not their fortunes — as savour- 
ing too much of the days when the king could do no wrong. 
Alexandre de Beauharnais, known as Beauharnais le beau 
danseur on account of his talent for dancing, and father of 
the little boy who was to become the adopted son of the 
greatest man of modern times, was born in Martinique in 
1760. He entered the army while still almost a child, as 
was the fashion in those days ; when captain in the regiment 
of Royal Champagne, he married his cousin Josephine 
Tascher de La Pagerie, three years his junior and also a 
native of Martinique. Mile. Josephine must have been a 
terribly forward young person for her years, if we believe 
certain information contained in a volume published in 
Paris in 1820 under the title of Memoir es et Correspondance 
de rimperatrice Josephine and purporting to be written by 
the hand of the Empress herself ; supposing the assertions 
contained in one of these letters were true, they would 
account for many rumours which were circulated and be- 
lieved during her career as a girl, a wife, a widow, an 
Empress and a divorcee. Alexandre de Beauharnais was 
only seventeen years of age when he contracted this union, 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 23 

which seems to have been very distasteful to the famihes of 
both parties. The marriage once celebrated, the young 
couple settled in France, where they resided for some time 
with Alexandre's father, then a very old man living in 
retirement at the family seat, the chateau of La Ferte 
Beauharnais, in the department of Loir-et-Cher. Un- 
fortunately, the vicomte and the vicomtesse began to 
disagree very soon after their marriage. The young husband 
frequently chided his wife for her vanity and extravagance, 
two faults which only increased with years ; whereupon 
Mme. de Beauharnais would retort that he was jealous of 
the admiration which her beauty aroused, and then she 
would add in an injured tone that he was always finding 
fault with her. And he had another grievance against her : 
her manners were too provincial — or too colonial. 

After a few months of married life Alexandre, notwith- 
standing the fact that his wife was soon to make him a 
father, took himself off to Paris, where he passed his time 
dabbling with politics and amusing himself. It is probable 
that both were equally to blame for this sad state of affairs, 
which, as time went on, was to become still more painful. 

Mme. de Beauharnais decided to come up to Paris for the 
birth of this her first child, which event took place September 
3rd, 1780, or '81, at a house in the rue Thevenot. On the 
morrow the baby, a boy, was baptized in the presence of his 
father, who had consented to stay with his wife during her 
illness, and numerous relations, at the church of Saint 
Sauveur in the rue Saint Denis, and received the names of 
Eugene Rose. Considerable doubt exists as to the exact 
year of Eugene's birth ; two or three of his biographers, and 
indeed he himself, gave the date as 1781, and yet it would 
seem an erroneous date from the following entry discovered 
a few years ago in the register of the church in which the 
baptism took place. " This day, Tuesday the 4th (Septem- 
ber, 1780) was baptized Eugene Rose, born yesterday, son 
of the very high-born and very puissant seigneur, messire 
Alexandre Fran9ois Marie, vicomte de Beauharnois {sic), 
captain of the regiment of La Ferre, knight, and of the 
high-born and puissant dame Madame Marie Josephine 
Rose de Tascher de La Pagerie, his wife, rue Thevenot ; god- 
father : high-born and puissant Seigneur Mi^e- Francois, 



24 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

marquis de Beauharnois, baron de Banville, knight of the 
Royal Order and knight of the Order of Saint Louis, vice- 
admiral in the Royal Navy, lieutenant-general and former 
governor of the island of Martinique and of the adjacent 
isles, paternal grandfather ; godmother, high - born and 
puissant dame Rose Claire Desvergers de Sanois, wife of 
high-born and puissant seigneur messire Joseph Gaspard 
Tascher de La Pagerie, knight of the Order of Saint Louis, 
captain of dragoons, maternal grandfather, present ; repre- 
sented by high-born and puissant dame Marie Euphemie 
Desiree Tascher de La Pagerie, dame Renaudin, maternal 
aunt. 

" Signatures : Tascher de Lapagerie, {sic) 
LE Marquis de Beauharnois, 
LE vicomte de Beauharnois, 
Tascher de Lapagerie, 
Begon, 

Jacquin, cure." 

Unfortunately the birth of the little Eugene did not 
produce a permanent reconciliation between the young 
parents ; for Alexandre, having conducted his wife after 
her recovery back to his father's house, returned to his 
semi-bachelor life in Paris. His wife's aunt, Mme. Renaudin, 
hoping that a prolonged absence abroad would make the 
erring husband regret the young wife and little child in the 
old family chateau, persuaded Alexandre to travel in Italy 
for a while. However, as he took care to provide himself 
with an amusing travelling-companion of the opposite sex, 
it is probable that he seldom gave a thought to his wife and 
little Eugene. During this journey, which lasted many 
months, Alexandre learnt that his wife had borne him a 
little daughter, Hortense by name, a piece of news which 
caused him to fly into a towering passion. The vicomte 
swore that he was not the father of the little Hortense, and 
declared that his wife must go into a convent. This Mme. 
de Beauharnais, to whom admiration and flattery were 
more necessary than her daily bread, was very unwilling to 
do ; she retorted that Alexandre was the father of her child 
and that he knew the fact as well as herself. Josephine, 
since the birth of her little daughter, had been staying at 



FAMILY DISSENSIONS 25 

Noisy, near Paris, whither her husband now wrote announc- 
ing his return to France and recommending her either to 
pay a visit to her mother in Martinique, or else to go into a 
convent, and ending with the following instructions : 

"... As I hope to accomplish in five or six days the 
seventy leagues which still lie between me and the capital, 
and as, when once I am there, I shall require the use of my 
carriage in order to amuse myself and to prevent my legs 
getting too tired, you will oblige me by sending my horses 
and my carriage to Paris for next Sunday, the 26th inst. If 
Euphemie likes to take advantage of this opportunity in 
order to bring Eugene to see me, it will give me great 
pleasure to have him with me, a pleasure which I have not 
enjoyed for many a long day. ..." 

Josephine now moved up to Paris, where, partly in 
obedience to her husband's injunctions and partly in order 
to suit her own plans, she took up her abode at the celebrated 
convent of Panthemont, in the rue de Crenelle — not to 
spend her time in devotions and in doing penance for her 
sins, however, for Panthemont was the refuge of many 
grass-widows and wives under a cloud who each had their 
own apartment, went out into society and received their 
male and female friends just as if they were living in the 
world outside the convent walls. 

Matters became still more strained between the pair when 
Alexandre, as he had threatened to do, took legal pro- 
ceedings against his wife, demanding a separation and 
requiring her to give him the custody of his eldest child, 
Eugene, who was now four years of age. But Alexandre 
lost his case, much to his disgust, and it was decided that 
Mme. de Beauharnais was to live wherever she liked and 
to dispose of her own property. Alexandre was to obtain 
possession of Eugene Rose after his fifth birthday, until 
which time he was to reside with his mother wherever she 
might choose to live. The vicomte was to pay all expenses 
incurred for the support and education of his son, whose 
summer holidays were to be spent with his mother in the 
country. 

Mme. de Beauharnais remained for a few more months 
at Panthemont and then went to stay with her husband's 



26 eug£ne de beauharnais 

father at Croissy-sur-Seine, where the de Beauharnais 
family had a property. Mme. de Beauharnais seems to 
have managed to win her father-in-law over to her side, 
for we hear of frequent visits made by the young mother to 
her husband's father ; in fact the old gentleman was much 
inclined to take her part against his son. 

A certain Mme. Hostein, who had two charming little 
children about the same age as Eugene and Hortense (or 
Eugenie, as she was called for the first few years of her life), 
resided on a property adjoining that of the de Beauharnais, 
and Mme. de Beauharnais made great friends with Mme. 
Hostein. At the latter's suggestion, the four children 
shared their games and learnt their lessons together, and 
thus was laid the foundation of a long friendship which 
lasted until Josephine became " more than queen." 

Although the vicomte and his wife corresponded frequently 
concerning Eugene's health and well-being during the next 
few months, Alexandre, beyond having Eugenie inoculated 
against smallpox at the tender age of two years, does not 
seem to have displayed much interest in his little daughter. 

In January, 1787, Alexandre announced his intention of 
taking Eugene away from his mother and of placing him 
at a school kept by a M. Verdiere in the rue de Seine, Paris. 
The news that the two children were to be separated was 
received by Eugenie with a wild burst of indignation and 
grief. They were both high-spirited, affectionate little things, 
and this separation was a very real sorrow to them. Who 
does not remember what a blank we experienced in our 
lives when we left home to go to school for the first time ? 

Alexandre witnessed a very sad little scene when he went 
down to Croissy to fetch his son. When Eugenie understood 
that the edict was irrevocable, that her small will was power- 
less to arrest this seemingly unjust and wicked measure, 
when she realized that her play-fellow was going to be taken 
from her, and when she saw his little trunk being packed 
with the well-known clothes and the toys they had played 
with together and perhaps quarrelled over at times, her grief 
knew no bounds. A vague idea that he was being sent away 
from home as a punishment for some childish fault crossed 
her mind. Alexandre, touched by the little girl's despair, 
tried to take her in his arms and to comfort her. 




(Photo: A. R. Montagu) 
HORTENSE DE BEAUHARNAIS 
From an old print 



To face page 26 



FAMILY DISSENSIONS 27 

"Papa!" cried she through her tears, "forgive poor 
Eugene ! I'm sure he'll never do it again if I tell him that 
he makes me unhappy." 

Her father assured her that he was not angry with Eugene 
for any fault of his. 

" Then you won't send him away, will you ? You'll let 
him stay here, won't you ? " 

" No, my dear, that cannot be. Your brother will soon 
grow into a man, and he must learn how to live and behave 
as a man should behave." 

" So he's going away — really going away ? " 

" Yes." 

Eugenie waited to hear no more. With a wail of despair, 
she tore herself away from the vicomte, rushed out into the 
garden and flung herself on the ground in some secluded 
corner, there to sob and cry over her first experience of the 
injustice of man. 

Eugene in his memoirs makes no mention of his experiences 
while under the care of M. Verdiere, so he was probably as 
happy at school as it is possible for a little boy, of such an 
affectionate disposition as he was, to be away from home. 

In the month of June, 1788, just as Eugene was about to 
start for Fontainebleau, where he was to spend his summer 
holidays, Mme. de Beauharnais declared her intention of 
going to visit her mother in Martinique — and thither she 
went, taking Eugenie, as she was still called, with her. 
She remained nearly two years in her native land until 
trouble broke out among the natives, who set fire one night 
to her mother's house, and Mme. de Beauharnais was 
forced to fly, still clad in her night attire, holding the little 
Hortense in her arms. The future Empress of the French and 
the queen of Holland were lucky enough to find shelter on 
board a boat which was about to start for France, where 
they arrived destitute except for the light clothes with which 
their fellow-passengers, in their compassion for their 
piteous plight, had provided them. Mme. de Beauharnais 
does not seem to have displayed much concern for the fate 
of her mother, who, however, managed to escape from the 
fury of her slaves and lived to see her daughter become 
Empress. 

Eugene, in the meantime, had been removed from M. 



28 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Verdiere's establishment and sent to the College d'Harcourt, 
where he remained until July, 1790, which brings us to the 
opening scene of our story. 

Mme. de Beauharnais arrived in France towards the end 
of this year and put up at the Hotel des Asturies, in the rue 
d'Anjou, Paris. Although the breach between the vicomte 
and the vicomtesse de Beauharnais had widened considerably 
during the latter 's absence in Martinique, the old marquis 
was determined to make one more effort to reconcile the 
couple. Mme. de Beauharnais' chief grievance was that she 
was not allowed to see her son, who, she heard, had grown 
much during her absence and had made great progress in 
his studies. In order to bring about this reconciliation, the 
marquis de Beauharnais, together with the comte and 
comtesse de Montmorin, concocted the following plan : the 
comte de Montmorin was to give a dinner-party to which he 
was to invite Mme. de Beauharnais and her daughter and 
Alexandre and his son, without, however, letting either 
party know whom they were to meet. 

Mme. de Beauharnais and her little girl were already 
seated in Mme. de Montmorin's salon when Alexandre v 
appeared leading Eugene by the hand. On seeing his wife 
and daughter, Alexandre's face darkened ; angry words, 
bitter reproaches, burst from his lips. He was just going to 
rush out of the room when Eugenie, who was wearing a little 
costume such as was worn in those days by the natives in 
Martinique, recognized her father, notwithstanding her long 
absence abroad, and ran towards him with outstretched arms 
crying : 

" Papa ! papa ! " 

The vicomte, unable to withstand this invitation, took 
the little girl in his arms and kissed her over and over again. 
Eugene meanwhile had hidden his face on his mother's 
shoulder ; she, with tears in her eyes, was trying to recognize 
in this strong, sturdy little boy, the child — almost baby — 
whom she had not seen for so many long months. 

Mme. de Montmorin, thinking that a little good advice 
would not come amiss at such a moment, said : 

" Monsieur le vicomte, such a man as you are cannot 
possibly allow prejudices and old grievances to stand in the 
way of common sense and propriety." 



RECONCILIATION 29 

The old marquis de Beauharnais, who had been watching 
the scene from his arm-chair, also put in a word : 

" My son, take my advice— be reconciled to your wife ! 
Josephine is my daughter ; and as she has never ceased 
to be worthy of that name, I shall continue to call her 
daughter." 

Alexandre had already begun to waver in his resolution 
not to address another word to his wife. Like all French- 
men, he was devoted to his children, and the little Eugenie's 
tearful rapture at seeing her beloved Eugene once more — 
Eugene whom she had mourned so bitterly and whom she 
had never expected to see again — broke down the last 
barriers of resentment. He turned towards his wife, who, 
with a cry of joy not unmingled perhaps with contrition, 
flung herself into his arms. 

The next few months were spent by Mme. de Beauharnais 
and her children in a house at Fontainebleau. We can 
imagine the delight of Eugene and Eugenie at being together 
once more. Alexandre still continued to spend much of his 
time in Paris, where, as a member of the Assemblee con- 
stituante, he was well known as a supporter of the new ideas. 

The flight of Louis XVI and his family to Varennes in 
1791 was loudly blamed by the vicomte ; the latter soon 
became so influential that he was looked upon by his 
wife's friends and neighbours at Fontainebleau almost as a 
king ; indeed the inhabitants of that sleepy town used to 
point at Eugene when he walked along the streets and say : 

" There goes the Dauphin ! " 

During one of the vicomte's long sojourns in the capital, 
he took his son to see the preparations for that wonderful 
fete which was celebrated on the Champ de Mars, July 17th, 
1791. In the following month Alexandre took a still more 
active part in the affairs of his country, for he joined the 
armee du Rhin with the title of lieutenant-general. 

Mme. de Beauharnais now moved up to Paris, where she 
resumed the life of frivolity for which she was so eminently 
suited. She, during her course through life, always seems 
to have taken good care to gather as many influential 
friends around her as possible — witness her extraordinary 
and very unseemly friendship with the Emperor Alexander 
of Russia when the Russian bear invaded the nest of the 



30 eug£ne de beauharnais 

eagle. Among the friends whom she made about this time 
were Mathieu de Montmorency/ the prince de Salm- 
Kyrburg^ and the latter 's sister, the princess Amalia of 
HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen, who was to prove such a friend- 
in-need to Mme. de Beauharnais and her children a few 
months later. 

In January, 1792, Mme. de Beauharnais returned to 
Fontainebleau, where she and her children were the guests 
of her aunt, Mme. Renaudin. Here she remained until the 
following September, when she moved up to the de 
Beauharnais hotel in the rue Saint Dominique, Paris. 
As Eugene had been suffering from weak eyes for some 
time past he was unable to attend to his studies as dili- 
gently as he might have done. 

The month of May in the following year (1793) saw 
Alexander de Beauharnais, in consequence of Custine's^ 
departure, at the head of the armee du Rhin. 

The events of the previous summer had made Mme. de 
Beauharnais extremely nervous, and the stormy winter 
of 1792-3 had only aggravated this condition. Notwith- 
standing the fact that her husband's very advanced opinions, 
or rather his position as head of the armee du Rhin, ought 
to have shielded her from any fear of molestation, Mme. 
de Beauharnais took alarm and determined to leave the 
capital — at least for a time. As she knew that her friend 
the princess of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was also about 
to leave Paris in order to go and reside on an estate be- 

^ Montmorency, Mathieu Jean Felicite : vicomte, then due de (1767- 
1826) : first served in America, then returned to France, where he became 
a deputy at the Etafs generaux ; on August 4th, 1789, he made a cele- 
brated speech in which he proposed that all titles of nobiUty should be 
abolished. He left France when the Republic was proclaimed and went 
to Switzerland, where he remained until after the gth Thermidor. The 
Restoration saw a complete revolution in his political opinions, for he 
became aide-de-camp to the comte d'Artois, pair de France, Foreign 
Minister (1822), represented France at the Congress of Verona, and finished 
by becoming tutor to the due de Bordeaux. 

- Salm-Kyrburg, Frederick, prince of (i 746-1 794) : was born at 
Limburg, came to Paris, where he built himself a magnificent hotel, now 
the palace of the Legion d'honneur ; he took part in the revolt in Holland 
in 1787, where he pretended to be an agent sent by France. On allowing 
Utrecht to be taken by the king of Prussia he returned to Paris, where 
he espoused the cause of the Revolution, which, however, did not prevent 
his perishing upon the scaffold. 

^ Custine, Pliihppe, comte de (1740-1793): a French general, com- 
manded a regiment of the armee du Rhin, was accused of having allowed 
Mayence to fall into the hands of the Prussians, and executed. 



THE COMING STORM 31 

longing to her brother, the prince de Salm, at Saint Martin, 
in Valois, Mme. de Beauharnais begged that lady to take 
Eugene and Eugenie with her and to keep them until an 
escort could be found to take them over to England, which 
country was already being invaded by hordes of emigres 
and emigrettes, including the flower of the French nobility 
and not a few would-be nobles. The princess promised to 
take care of the children as if they were her own, and to 
keep them with her until matters had settled down. Poor 
blind women ! — they little thought how matters would settle 
down. We are not surprised to read that one of Mme. de 
Beauharnais' biographers accuses her of abandoning her 
children ; this was a most extraordinary step on her part ; 
surely her children would have been as safe, if not safer, 
with her than elsewhere ? No sooner did Alexandre get 
wind of this plan than he, in great wrath, despatched a 
messenger post - haste to Paris, ordering her to give up 
Eugene instantly. As the children had already gone to 
Saint Martin when Mme. de Beauharnais received this letter, 
she, much against her will, was obliged to write to the 
princess begging her to send Eugene and Eugenie back to 
Paris. The children were brought up to the capital by 
the prince de Salm in person, which act of kindness even- 
tually led to his being arrested, imprisoned, condemned 
and the rest. 

The ci-devant vicomte, delighted to have his son with him, 
now placed the boy at the College national in Strasburg. 
Alexandre frequently invited the boy to spend a day or 
two at his head-quarters at Weissenburg, upon which 
occasions Eugene probably acquired that taste for military 
subjects for which he was distinguished in after years. 

It was doubtless during the few months spent by Eugene 
at this college that he indulged in those boyish pranks for 
which some of his biographers are inclined to blame him ; 
these pranks, quite harmless in themselves and natural 
to a high-spirited boy, consisted of crowing, barking, 
bleating and braying. His tutors complained that he 
lacked application and industry ; his copy-books were un- 
tidy and his exercises full of mistakes. As for Latin and 
Greek, neither fines, nor birch-rod, nor that most odious of 
all punishments — being kept in after school-hours, could 



32 eug£ne de beauharnais 

drive even the rudiments of these two languages into his 
curly head. When shut up by himself to finish his tasks, 
he, instead of setting to work, would yawn, sing or go 
through his repertoire of farmyard lays. 

Mme. de Beauharnais did not share her husband's 
political opinions ; was she not a royalist at heart ? and 
was she not secretly proud and delighted when, not so 
many years afterwards, her second husband, forsaking his 
proper sphere — the battlefield, begged her to help him make 
his Court as faithful an imitation of that of his predecessors 
on the throne of France as extravagance and high-sounding 
titles could make it ? 

The month of September, 1793, was spent by Mme. de 
Beauharnais at Croissy, where, on the 28th of that same 
month, Eugene arrived unexpectedly from Strasburg ; 
his college had been closed and he and his fellow-students 
had been sent to their respective homes. Alexandre had 
not foreseen this contingency when, on being called away 
from Weissenburg by his military duties, he had said au 
revoir to his son. Eugene, soon after his arrival at Croissy, 
in accordance with the popular ideas of liberty, equality and 
fraternity, was apprenticed to a joiner, one pere Cochard by 
name, who promised to give him thorough instruction in the 
trade of carpentry and to inculcate patriotic feelings in his 
youthful breast ; this he did with such success that, on 
October igth, the thirteen-year-old patriot was declared to 
be a good citizen and staunch defender of the fatherland 
and was presented with a musket and sword. 

Mme. de Beauharnais' fears for her own safety did not 
prevent her returning to Paris in January, 1794 ; she 
probably found Croissy unbearably dull in winter, and 
preferred to run the risk of being arrested rather than suffer 
a hundred deaths from ennui, as ladies afflicted with the 
vapours described boredom in those days. It was in this 
same month that she wrote an extraordinary letter to 
Vadier,^ the influential montagnard, in which she begs for 

^ Vadier, Marc-Guillaume (1736-1828) : a deputy at the Etats generaux 
and a member of the Convention, joined the montagnards, voted the 
arrest of the Girondins, and denounced Catherine Theot. He was sen- 
tenced to be deported after the gth Thermidor, but he managed to evade 
his pursuers. Compromised in the Babeuf conspiracy, he was acquitted 
by the tribunal of Vendome. He was exiled to Brussels in 18 16, where 
he died in 1828. 



M. DE BEAUHARNAIS IN PRISON 33 

his protection, assures him of her devotion to the cause of 
the Republic, affirms that her principles are those of a good 
republicaine and concludes by informing him that her 
children, " before the Revolution, were brought up exactly 
as if they were the offspring of sans-culoites ; she hopes that 
they will bring honour to the Republic." 

This was all very much to the point, but Vadier was 
receiving too many letters in the same style about this 
time. Good republicans of a certain kind were getting rather 
too common to be genuine. 

In consequence of a decree ordering all ci-devant nobles to 
leave the army of the Republic, Alexandre de Beauharnais, 
notwithstanding his patriotic principles, was obliged early 
in 1794 to deliver up his sword, after which he returned to 
La Ferte Beauharnais, where he continued to reside (but not 
with his family) , for three or four weeks. He would probably 
have continued to reside there unmolested had not his 
admiring neighbours, in a laudable but mistaken desire to 
reward merit, elected him mayor of the commune. This 
brought him back into public notice. Before another month 
had elapsed he had been denounced by some over-zealous 
patriot as a ci-devant, and therefore a traitor to the Re- 
publican camp, accused of dilatoriness when exercising his 
duties as general outside Mayence, brought up to Paris, 
and imprisoned in the Luxemburg palace, now a prison. 

Alexandre's arrest and imprisonment had opened Mme. 
de Beauharnais' eyes to the fact that her own arrest was 
only a question of time. His sad fate had probably awakened 
better feelings in her breast ; perhaps memories of the first 
happy days of courtship came back to taunt her. In the 
following letter written to her husband's aunt, Mme. 
Fanny de Beauharnais, a would-be Sappho, of whom it was 
said that she spent too much time over her complexion and 
too little over her rhymes, we find signs of contrition and 
remorse. 

"... Yesterday brought me both much happiness and 
much grief. My husband had expressed a wish to see his 
children ; thanks to our guardian angel, he was able to obtain 
that wish. I had determined, in order to spare the children 
any grief, to be present during their visit. They had been 
told some days ago that, as their father was iU, he had put 
c 



34 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

himself into the hands of a physician who had ordered him, 
on account of the good air and quiet, to take up his abode 
at the Luxemburg. The first interview passed off very well, 
except that Eugenie made a remark to the effect that her 
papa's rooms were very small and that there seemed a great 
many other sick people in the place. When I arrived at the 
Luxemburg, I found that they had left their father's room ; 
an honest turnkey, who had been bribed by Nevil,^ had 
taken the precaution to get them out of the way, and they 
had gone to pay a visit to some neighbours who had been 
much touched by their youth, sad plight and innocent faces. 
As I dreaded lest our mutual grief should reveal the truth to 
them, my interview with their father took place during their 
absence. Alexandre bears his captivity very bravely ; 
however, he quite broke down when he saw my tears. Then 
I, fearful lest his grief should overcome him, managed to 
calm myself and began to comfort him in my turn. The 
reappearance of our little ones caused another flood of tears 
which was all the more painful to me because I had to 
conceal the cause of those tears. Eugene, who is truth 
personified, was deceived for a while ; then he, with his 
usual affectionate care for me, tried to persuade me that 
I was wrong to grieve so and that his papa's illness was not 
dangerous. Eugenie's face bore that pensive little air which, 
as you know, is so becoming to her. ' Do you think that 
papa is ill ? ' she asked her brother ; ' I can tell you that he 
is not ill of any illness which a doctor can cure.' — ' What do 
you mean, my daughter ? ' said L ' Do you think that we 
are deceiving you ? ' — ' Forgive me, mama, but I think so.' 
Eugene burst in quickly with : ' What funny things you 
say ! ' Whereupon she retorted : ' No ! it's all very simple 
and very natural.'—' What do you mean, mademoiselle ? ' 
said I, in my turn pretending to seem very severe. ' No 
doubt,' continued the artful little thing, ' no doubt parents 
are allowed to deceive their children in order to spare them 
pain.' Having said this, she flung herself into my arms and 
put one hand on her father's shoulder. We mingled our 
smiles and tears during this little scene which Eugene made 
even more touching by his caresses. Dear amiable child ! 
he is so sensitive and his sister is so intelligent. Hitherto 

^ A- friend of the de Beauharnais family. 



M. DE BEAUHARNAIS IN PRISON 35 

these children have afforded us nothing but satisfaction and 
happiness ; why, in this hour of trial, do we suffer such 
cruel anxiety for their fate, and why am I so overwhelmed 
by this terrible sorrow, a sorrow about which I can scarcely 
bear to write ? 

" During their visit to the Luxemburg my children (and 
especially my daughter) had guessed, from what they had 
seen and heard, that their father was a prisoner. We were 
obliged to confess what we could no longer conceal, Eugenie 
asked why her father was in prison. Her brother, less shy 
than usual, also wanted to know the cause of his cruel 
captivity. It would have been difficult to explain. ' Oh ! ' 
cried Eugenie, ' when we are older we will punish those 
wicked people who denounced you ! ' — ' Hush, my daughter,' 
said her father to her ; ' if anybody should hear what you 
say, I should be ruined as you and your mother would also 
be.' Eugene then said : ' Have you not often told us that 
we are allowed to resist the oppressor ? ' — ' Yes, and I 
repeat it now,' replied my husband, ' but prudence must 
walk hand in hand with power ; and he who would vanquish 
Injustice must steal upon her unawares. . . .' " 

The wife and children of the imprisoned ci-devant were now 
exposed to the annoyance of those domiciliary visits which 
frequently heralded further arrests among the inhabitants 
of the house visited. In another letter to her husband's 
aunt, Mme. de Beauharnais gives her a graphic account of 
what usually passed during these unwelcome visitations. 

" Would you believe it, dear aunt ? my children have 
just undergone a long and minute examination. That 
wicked old man,^ the member of the comite whose name I 
have already mentioned to you, has been to see me and, 
under pretext of feeling anxiety concerning my husband's 
fate, made my children tell him all they know. I must 
confess that I, too, was at first deceived ; his affability 
was rather remarkable ; however, on his becoming very 
angry and spiteful, I immediately guessed what he was 
about. When he saw that I understood the reason of his 
visit, he threw off the mask and confessed to me that he had 
been commissioned to find out all he could from my children, 
an easy matter with such guileless, artless young creatures. 

1 Vadier. 



36 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

He then began to ask them all kinds of questions. I felt 
myself first turn pale with terror, then crimson with indigna- 
tion ; I trembled with anger. I was about to tell the old 
revolutionist how I loathed and despised him, when he 
advised me to leave him alone with the children. Having 
locked Eugenie into a closet all by herself, he began to 
question her brother. . . . He asked the children all sorts 
of questions, as to what we talked about, whom we saw, what 
letters we received, and what they had seen us do ; he then 
came to the most important point : he wanted to know 
what Alexandre had talked about. My children answered 
very cleverly and, notwithstanding the artfulness of the 
old man, who was dying to discover something worth 
knowing, my son's ingenuousness and his sister's clever 
replies frustrated his designs." 

To Mme. de Beauharnais' honour be it said that she did 
her very best to get her husband released from prison ; so 
loudly did she express her indignation at the captivity of 
this innocent victim of jealousy and spite that she soon 
found herself denounced ; imprisonment followed a month 
later. She was first taken to the prison of Sainte Pelagie, 
where, however, she remained but a very short time, and 
then she was removed to the convent of Les Carmes, from 
whence she wrote the following letter to Mme. Fanny de 
Beauharnais : 

" Last night I found an anonymous letter warning me of 
the danger to which I was exposed. I might have fled ; but 
whither could I go without compromising my husband ? 
Having decided to wait and see what happened, I gathered 
my children in my arms and sought to forget my troubles 
in their sweet society ; but their very presence only served 
to remind me of their father's absence. Sleep tore them 
from my arms. I was still immersed in sad reflections when 
I heard a mighty uproar outside the gates of my hotel. I 
knew that my hour had come ; the knowledge that I was 
powerless to escape gave me courage to resign myself to my 
fate. As the noise was getting nearer and nearer, I passed 
into my children's room ; they were asleep ! The contrast 
between their peaceful slumbers and my anguish caused 
my tears to flow. Alas ! in pressing a kiss — the last, perhaps 
— on my daughter's forehead, she felt my tears ; still half- 



MADAME DE BEAUHARNAIS IN PRISON 37 

asleep, she put her affectionate httle arms round my neck, 
and whispered : * Go to bed, don't be afraid. They won't 
come to-night, because I've asked God not to let them come ! ' 
While she was still speaking, my apartment was invaded 
by a horde of furious armed men, headed by the president, 
who had been rendered insensible to the feelings of humanity 
by fears for his own safety. ... I wiU spare you any 
unnecessary details : you have already heard enough. I 
will tell you, however, that seals were placed upon every 
piece of my furniture provided with a lock, and I myself was 
taken to the prison of Les Carmes. Oh ! how I shuddered 
as I passed over the threshold still stained with the blood 
of the victims ! . . ." 

But a few grains of sand remained in the vicomte de 
Beauharnais' hour-glass. Contrition for past follies and 
anxiety for the fate of the little ones left behind ought to 
have embittered those last moments. Alas ! to the very 
last he, like many another of his class, thought only of 
amusing himself. Grace Dalrymple Elliott, an English- 
woman well known as the friend of the regicide due 
d'Orleans and a fellow-prisoner of Mme. de Beauharnais in 
the convent of Les Carmes, gives us an account in her 
memoirs of the meeting of the vicomtesse with her husband, 
when the latter was brought from the Luxemburg to share 
his wife's captivity. 

" On arriving at Les Carmes, I was made to sleep in a 
room with eighteen other persons. Mme. de Beauharnais, 
Mme. de Custine^ and I occupied beds close to one another, 
and often, after having made our beds, we used to sweep and 
scrub the floor, as none of our fellow-prisoners would do 
anything to keep it clean. Two old French gentlemen and 
their wives shared our room. . . . Mme. de Beauharnais 
had been separated from her husband, the vicomte Alexandre 
de Beauharnais, for some time ; so we were much surprised 
one day to see the latter enter our room as a prisoner. He 
and his wife seemed momentarily embarrassed at meeting 
in such a place ; but they were reconciled before many hours 
had elapsed. They occupied a closet containing two beds. 
The day of the arrival of Beauharnais was a very sad day 

^ Delphine de Custine, daughter-in-law of Philippe de Custine men- 
tioned on page 30. 



38 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

for pretty little Mme. de Custine ; for on that same day her 
husband, a very handsome young man, son of General 
Custine, was taken from prison and condemned to die ; 
he was executed on the morrow. Never have I seen a more 
touching sight than the adieux of this young couple. I 
really thought that Mme. de Custine would have tried to 
commit suicide ; I and Mme. de Beauharnais never left her 
alone for three days and nights. However, she was young, 
lively and French by birth ; six weeks later she had already 
recovered her spirits to such an extent that poor Mme. de 
Beauharnais, who appeared much attached to her husband, 
began to feel hurt by the latter's attentions to the charming 
widow. She took me into her confidence ; I did everything 
I could to persuade Beauharnais to be more careful not to 
wound his wife's feelings. Far be it for me to suppose that 
the matter went any farther, but certainly Beauharnais 
was more deeply in love with Mme. de Custine than I can 
attempt to describe, and the amiable little woman did not 
appear at all annoyed by his attentions. ..." 

With their parents in prison and seals placed upon the 
doors of their mother's apartment, Eugene and Eugenie were 
practically homeless. Poor young things ! Providence, 
however, tempered the wind to the shorn lambs and sent a 
guardian angel in the person of Mme. Hostein, who, on 
learning of their pitiful plight, took them to live with her 
in her house in the rue Saint Dominique and kept them with 
her until the death of Robespierre opened the door of their 
mother's prison. Now Mme. Fanny de Beauharnais 
happened to be very intimate with Dorat-Cubieres, ^ 
secretary to the Commune de Paris ; to this functionary she 
wrote the following petition signed by Eugene and his 
sister : 

" Citizens ! two innocent children come to beg you to 
set at liberty their mother, their affectionate mother who is 
guiltless except for the fact that she belongs by birth to a 
class of society which she detests, for has she not ever 
chosen her friends from among good patriots and genuine 

^ Cubiires, Michel Chevalier de (i 752-1 820) : an author who wrote 
under the names of Palmezaux and Dorat-Cubieres (Dorat because this 
poet had been his master) . He was a fervent Revolutionist, and, as secre- 
tary of the Commune, wrote the Eloge de Marat, 



MADAME DE BEAUHARNAIS IN PRISON 39 

montagnards ? Having asked to be allowed, according to 
the law of the 26th germinal, to visit her husband in prison, 
she was arrested the night after that visit without being 
able to guess the reason of her arrest. Citizens, you will not 
aUow innocence, patriotism and virtue to be oppressed. 
Restore these unhappy children to life ; they are too young 
to become acquainted with sorrow. 
" Paris, 19 floreal, an II. 

" Signatures : Eugene Beauharnais, aged 12 years {sic).'^ 
HoRTENSE Beauharnais, aged 11 years." 

Needless to say, this petition was rejected. 

However, the de Beauharnais children did not want for 
friends. M. Calmelet^ and a certain M. Sabatier, the brother- 
in-law of their governess, Marie Lanoy, were also very kind 
to the children and helped them to get letters to their mother 
and receive her replies. 

During their parents' imprisonment, Eugene and Eugenie 
paid a visit to Mme. Fanny de Beauharnais at Fontainebleau. 
It was during this visit that Eugenie who, from her earliest 
years, seems to have been more enterprising than her 
brother, ran away from the " the good Fairy," as the 
children called her, and came up to Paris in a market-cart 
without her great-aunt's knowledge or permission, in the 
hope of seeing her imprisoned parents. In the following 
note, Mme. de Beauharnais chides her little daughter for her 
wilfulness in running away from her kind relative : 

" I should be quite content with Eugenie's affection for 
me if she did not grieve me by her wilfulness. What, my 
daughter ! you came up to Paris without your great-aunt's 
permission — nay, against her wishes ? That was very 
naughty of you ! You say that it was because you wanted 
to see me : you knew perfectly well that you could not do 
so without permission ; time is required and many letters 

^ Eugene de Beauharnais was thirteen years and eight months old 
at this time (May gth, 1794) according to his certificate of birth reproduced 
on page 23. 

* M. Calmelet was one of the witnesses at Josephine's marriage with 
Napoleon. He was given the post of superintendent of the Mobilier 
impdrial during the Empire. Eugene always spoke of him in most 
affectionate terms, and took his part on more than one occasion -when 
his step-father was inclined to be too severe with this "friend-in-need." 



40 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

have to be written — which facts poor Victorine^ has learnt 
to her cost. What is more, you jumped into M. Darret's 
covered cart at the risk of delaying him and preventing him 
delivering his goods : how very stupid of you, my child ! It 
does not suffice to do' good, we must do it properly. You, at 
your age, must learn to be obedient. I am obliged to tell 
you that I prefer your brother's calm affection to your 
boisterous proofs of love. However, that will not prevent 
me embracing you very tenderly when I know that you are 
safe back at Fontainebleau." 

Poor Eugenie ! a snub was all she had got for her anxiety 
to see her mother. But she was to have a good many more 
before she became duchesse de Saint-Leu. 

Those who extended their protection to imprisoned ci- 
devants did so at great risk to themselves. With a view to 
impressing their fellow-citizens with the fact that the young 
Beauharnais were imbued with the most approved-of 
republican principles, Mme. Hostein now made Eugenie 
work at a dressmaker's establishment several hours a day, 
while Eugene, for the second time in his short life, was 
apprenticed to a carpenter living in the rue de I'Echelle 
and within sight of the palace where his mother, ten years 
later, was to reign as Empress. The son of a vicomte, the 
future viceroy of Italy, and the adopted son of the great 
Napoleon, could be seen any day in the neighbouring 
streets clad in a workman's blue blouse, a saw hanging from 
his arm and carrying a plank on his shoulder. The school 
of adversity is a good beginning for him who has sufficient 
moral courage and bodily strength to set to work to learn the 
lessons of patience and fortitude. And this courage Eugene 
never lacked, neither in the months of adversity nor in the 
years of prosperity. He devoted much of his spare time to 
reading the works of Rousseau and Voltaire, which authors 
were looked upon as little less than divinities in those days. 
The all too brief experiences of military life gleaned during 
his visits to his father's head-quarters at Weissenburg 
probably accounted for the fact that Eugene also spent a 
good deal of time in making cardboard forts and in drawing 
up plans for earthworks, etc. 

The children were enabled to pay several visits to their 

^ One of Mme. de Beauharnais' servants. 



IN PRISON 41 

mother at the prison-convent of Les Carmes. As a turnkey 
was always present during these interviews the young people 
were obliged to keep to the most commonplace topics of 
conversation. And yet there were many very important 
questions which they were longing to ask their mother, 
questions concerning their father's fate, questions concerning 
her own fate. Luckily their governess was a woman of 
resources. Mme. de Beauharnais had a little lap-dog. 
Fortune by name ; he was not a beauty and, like most of his 
kind, chronic indigestion had mined his temper. But he was 
faithful and discreet and, on this occasion, he was of the 
greatest use to his fond owners. Now although two-legged 
visitors were not allowed to go beyond the prison grille, but 
had to be content to stand outside and converse with their 
unhappy friends as best they could, the same rule did not 
apply to four-legged visitors ; and so Fortune was free to 
come and go and to fetch and carry, which he did with 
perfect success thanks to the ingenuity of Marie Lanoy, the 
children's governess, who bought the young gentleman a 
new collar to wear whenever he went to pay his mistress a 
visit, and into this collar she fastened three-cornered notes 
containing valuable information, which Mme. de Beau- 
harnais stealthily extracted while caressing her pet and 
perused when alone. The same faithful little postman bore 
her replies to the trembling group on the other side of the 
prison bars.^ 

In order to while the long hours in prison away, M. de 
Beauharnais, who had considerable talent for drawing as 
well as for dancing, made a pencil-portrait of Grace Dal- 
rymple Elliott, which he very unkindly gave to Mme. de 
Custine instead of to his wife. 

After several months' imprisonment, Alexandre was 
informed that he was about to be removed from Les Carmes 
to the Conciergerie, the ante-chamber to the grave. The 
dreaded summons having come at last, he now had to bid 
good-bye to his wife. What was said during that last 

^ Poor Fortune ! he deserved a better fate ; but with prosperity came 
pride, the pride which comes before a fall. He was spared dying the 
death of repletion reserved to most lap-dogs, for having resisted the too 
friendly advances of a four-legged plebeian, the haughty aristocrat re- 
ceived a bite which ended his career, to the secret delight of his mistress's 
much-tried second husband. 



42 eug£ne de beauharnais 

interview ? No reproaches, let us trust ; only terms of 
affection and assurances of mutual forgiveness for past 
wrongs. What thoughts surged through the condemned 
man's brain as he gazed for the last time on the mother of 
his children ? It is said that a drowning man sees the events 
of his whole life pass before his eyes in that brief moment 
before he sinks for the last time. What did Alexandre see ? 
Resolutions, good intentions which had never ripened into 
glorious fruition ? Plans which had never got beyond the 
embryo stage ? He certainly had no cause to reproach 
himself as far as patriotism went : was he not the victim of 
his ideal, the Republic, that institution which was to cost 
many another good patriot his life, and was to die an un- 
timely death, thanks to the excesses committed by a handful 
of visionaries ? Just before leaving his third and last prison, 
the vicomte cut off a lock of his hair which he placed in an 
envelope and entrusted to one of his fellow-prisoners, the 
duchesse d'Anville, begging her, if she were ever lucky 
enough to escape from prison, to give it to his wife. 

Among Alexandre de Beauharnais' travelling-companions 
on that brief but awful journey to the foot of the guillotine 
were the chevalier de Champcenets,^ the due de Charost, the 
prince de Salm, whom we have already met, an Irishman 
(General Ward) and his servant, and an English student 
named Harrop from the College des Irlandais. As the 
prisoners were about to descend the steep staircase two of 
their number, young and therefore probably less resigned, 
less able to face the agony of that drive through a crowd of 
hostile fellow-creatures, clasped each other by the hand and 
flung themselves headlong over the banisters into the court 
below ; they were killed instantly. As the list of prisoners 
to be executed contained fifty names, two unlucky men 
were chosen haphazard from among the other captives and 
were made to take the places of the two dead youths. 

Thus on the 5th thermidor, an III de la Republique une et 
indivisible (July 23rd, 1794), Alexandre de Beauharnais 

^ The Chevalier de Champcenets or Champcenetz (1759-94) : an officer 
in the French guards and a celebrated wit and author, was the son of a 
Governor of the Tuileries. He endeavoured to kill the new ideas with 
scorn and ridicule, but only succeeded in losing his own life. He worked 
in collaboration with Rivarol, and was one of the principal contributors 
to the famous newspaper, Les Actes des Apotres. 



MADAME DE BEAUHARNAIS' LETTER 43 

perished on the scaffold, aged thirty-four years. Had he Hved 
but a few more days his Hfe would have been spared, and he 
and Mme. de Beauharnais would have continued, in all 
probability, to live more or less apart, as they had done 
since the birth of Eugene. 

Several days passed before the children learned that they 
had lost their father. Mme. de Beauharnais, thinking that 
her own end could not be far distant, wrote the following 
letter, a sort of resume of her life, to Eugene and his sister : 

" The hand which will bring this letter to you is faithful and 
to be trusted : it is the hand of a friend who has experienced 
and shared my sufferings. . . . My children, your father 
has just perished on the scaffold whereon your mother is now 
about to perish also. As my executioners have left me 
alone for a few minutes before my last hour strikes, I wish to 
write to you. . . . My last breath shall be for you ; I wish 
my last words to serve as a lesson to you. . . . Oh ! my dear 
Alexandre ! how brief yet how delicious were the years of 
our union ! how long and bitter seem the days which have 
elapsed since death severed that union ! . . . M. de Beau- 
harnais possessed every quality necessary to inspire affec- 
tion ; I myself was capable of giving him all the love and 
care he needed. We loved one another with the abandon- 
ment of two young souls who, after a long search, have found 
the ideal affection which they were looking for. A thousand 
times did your father repeat to me that I was the wife of his 
choice, and our kind aunt Renaudin would then say that 
we should have disobeyed the dictates of Providence if we 
had resisted the feeling which prompted us to love one 
another. ..." 

After describing her childhood, the native customs in 
Martinique, and touching upon the question of slavery, Mme. 
de Beauharnais says : 

" Your father distinguished himself among the ranks of 
those who supported the cause of the Revolution. He 
covered himself with honour ; he acted more as director 
than as leader. Convinced that many abuses called for 
reform, he wished that reform to be gradual and unaccom- 
panied by violence. . . . The people demanded hberty : 
anarchy now reigns supreme ! What can stem this devastating 



44 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

flood ? Oh God, if Thou dost not send a powerful hand 
to repress anarchy, we shall surely perish. As for me, my 
children, I am about to die as your father died, the innocent 
victim of the furious populace which he ever sought to calm 
and which has now devoured him. I bid farewell to France 
with feelings of hatred for her executioners whom I despise, 
and full of pity for her misfortunes. Honour my memory. 
I leave you as an heritage your father's glory and your 
mother's name (which some unfortunate creatures once 
blessed), together with our love, our regret and our blessing." 

Mme. de Beauharnais owed her life to the fact that she was 
in such bad health at the time of her husband's execution 
that the Polish doctor, who had been called in to attend her 
at Les Carmes, asserted that she would never reach the 
place of execution alive. 

A few days after the death of Robespierre,^ Mme. de 
Beauharnais, thanks to the intervention of one of her 
powerful friends, the deputy Tallien,^ was released from 
the prison where she had suffered such anguish. On leaving 
her convent-prison, she found herself nearly penniless, for 
the vicomte's property had been seized immediately after his 
death. Her first thought was to join her children. Many 
of her friends had disappeared for ever ; nevertheless, a 
good many still remained, and of these a certain Mme. 
Doue, a Creole like herself, offered to shelter her and her 
children at Fontainebleau ; this kind offer the widow 
Beauharnais gladly accepted. For some months she 
remained quietly in the country, endeavouring to recover her 
strength. But she did not remain there very long : Paris 
was too far away. As Mme. de Beauharnais no longer had 
carriages and horses at her disposal, and as her funds did not 
permit her to hire a conveyance, she had to travel by 
diligence whenever she wished to go up to the capital. 

After a few months of Fontainebleau, the widow Beau- 
harnais, unable to live any longer away from her beloved 
Paris, returned to her apartment in the rue Saint Dominique, 
where she, like many another relic of the old French aris- 

^ Robespierre, Maximilien (1759-94) : the Incorruptible revolutionist, 
and the scapegoat of his party. 

^ Tallien (1769-1830) : denounced Robespierre in order to save his own 
hfe. 



THE PINCH OF POVERTY 45 

tocracy, lived in shabby gentility, having recourse to some 
rather mean subterfuges in order to gratify her ruling passion 
— dress. M. Frederic Masson, an authority upon all matters 
connected with the life-story of the Empress Josephine, tells 
us that Mme. de Beauharnais lived with her children's 
governess, the faithful Marie Lanoy, whose savings she was 
not ashamed to borrow and whose salary she neglected to 
pay. And Marie's brother-in-law; M. Sabatier, was also 
persuaded to contribute towards the widow Beauharnais' 
furbelows and silk gowns. We are surprised to learn that 
Eugenie again returned to work with the mantua-maker from 
time to time ; but Eugene, more lucky, was soon released 
from his apprenticeship with the carpenter; for General 
Hoche,^ one of his father's friends, and a fellow-prisoner of 
Mme. de Beauharnais at Les Carmes, took the boy under his 
protection and had him to stay with him on several occa- 
sions. 

Mme. de Beauharnais stUl had several friends in France, 
friends belonging to the old nobility who, wonderful to 
relate, had remained in their native land and — what is still 
more wonderful — ^had contrived to keep their heads upon 
their shoulders. Among these fortunate persons was Mme. 
de Montmorin, to whom Mme. de Beauharnais owed the 
fact that she and her late husband had been reconciled, 
though that reconciliation, notwithstanding what Mme. de 
Beauharnais says in the letters written from her prison, was 
chiefly on the surface. Mme. de Montmorin provided Mme. 
de Beauharnais and Eugenie with some of their clothing, 
while Mme. Dumoulin invited the young widow to dine 
with her twice a week. Now bread, which is consumed in 
larger quantities in France than in any other country, was 
terribly scarce in those days ; so scarce had white bread 
become, in fact, that it was looked upon as a luxury and 
invitations to dinner frequently bore the following postscript: 
" You are requested to bring your own bread." Mme. de 
Beauharnais, pleading her poverty, was exempt fro^ this 
rule, and the excellent Mme. Dumoulin always saw that rolls 
were placed beside the plates of the pretty widow and her 

^ Hoche, Lazare (1768-97) : general-in-chief of the Republican armies ; 
restored order in La Vendee ; his death was due to pulmonary consump- 
tion, not to poison, as some of Napoleon's enemies tried to make people 
beheve. 



46 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

sprightly little daughter. Mme. de Beauhamais could not 
have been so very poor at that time, for we read of her giving 
small but recherche dinners in her own apartment. Mme. 
Tallien/ whose acquaintance Mme. de Beauharnais had 
made when the former was merely Mme. de Fontenay, 
perhaps secretly proud to receive a real vicomtesse in her 
own home, also invited her to her receptions, which were 
attended by all the influential men of the time. The fair 
widow probably found her children embarrassing, for how 
else can we account for the fact that she very soon sent 
them to pay a long visit to the old marquis de Beauharnais, 
who had left Fontainebleau and gone to reside at Saint- 
Germain-en-Laye ? 

When the Convention began to restore some of the pro- 
perty of those famiHes who had lost relations during the 
Revolution, Mme. de Beauharnais, at the advice of her 
friends, addressed herself to Barras,^ now one of the most 
powerful men of the time, and petitioned him to restore her 
fortune and that of her husband to her. Mme. de Beau- 
harnais received satisfaction, whereupon she gave up her 
apartment in the rue Saint Dominique, the scene of so many 
painful events, and took a private hotel in the rue Chante- 
reine (No. 6). 

General Hoche had not forgotten his promise to Mme. de 
Beauharnais to keep an eye upon Eugene : had he not 
sworn to the boy's father, when the latter was awaiting the 
summons to take his place in the fatal tumbril, that he 
would see that he came to no harm ? Had they not served 
together in the armee du Rhin, suffered together in the 
convent of Les Carmes ? As Eugene was only fifteen years 
of age, he was still too young to be placed in a regiment. 
Hoche, thinking that it was bad for Eugene, wdth his shy, 
retiring disposition, to be too much with women-folk, now 
took him from Saint Germain and made him his orderly. 
Hoche was a severe task-master ; however, Eugene had 
sense enough to understand that his protector was only 
severe with him because he considered that the boy would 

1 Mme. Tallien : the celebrated beauty whose adventures as Mile. 
Cabarrus, Mme. de Fontenay, Mme. Tallien, and the princesse de Chimay, 
are mentioned in most memoirs of the time ; she died in 1835. 

2 Barras, comte de (1755-1829) : conventionnel and member of the 
Directoire. 



A TOUCHING SCENE 47 

be all the better for a little severity. In after years Eugene 
used to say : " It was a hard but an excellent school." 

After a few months of discipline, Hoche sent Eugene to 
pay a visit to his mother, who was still in Paris. During this 
visit Mme. de Beauharnais received her husband's last gift, 
the envelope containing a lock of his hair together with a 
few words of fareweU to her whom he was leaving behind 
him. Eugene was with her when she opened the packet ; 
on seeing this relic of the father who, no matter what his 
faults had been, had loved his son very tenderly, the boy 
fell on his knees, burst into tears and covered the precious 
packet with his kisses. 

In a letter written to her aunt, Mme. Fanny de Beau- 
harnais, Eugene's mother relates another scene, rather 
theatrical perhaps, but nevertheless touching and very 
quaint with its stilted expressions. 

" I must really tell you, my good aunt, about a very 
charming incident which has just occurred. To-day, the 
7th thermidor, the anniversary of an all too deplorable event, 
I sent for Eugene, and showing him an engraving of his 
father, I said to him : ' Accept, my son, the reward of six 
months' industry and good conduct. This portrait is 
for you ; put it in your room and look at it very often. 
Above all things, let him whom this picture represents 
serve as a model ; he was the most loving and most beloved 
of husbands : he would have been the best of fathers.' 
Eugene did not utter a word ; his eyes were cast down, his 
face was flushed ; I could see how painfully agitated he was. 
On receiving the portrait, he covered it with his tears and 
kisses. My tears then began to flow ; the vision of me and 
my son clasped in each other's arms must have been very 
grateful to the shade of my Alexandre. 

" This evening, after all my friends except Cubieres and 
Saint-Herem had gone, I saw my son enter, followed by six 
of his young friends all wearing portraits of my Alexandre 
suspended from their necks by black and white ribands. 

" ' Behold ! ' said Eugene to me, ' behold the founder of 
a new order of knighthood ; this is the head of our order,' 
added he, pointing to his father's portrait, ' and these are the 
first members,' pointing to his young companions. ' This 
order is to be called the Order of Filial Affection ; if you 



48 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

would like to witness the inauguration ceremony, please 
pass with these gentlemen into the next room.' You may 
imagine, my good aunt, how touched I was ! We followed 
Eugene. The little salon, which was tastefully decorated (I 
could see that Victorine had helped), was adorned with 
mingled garlands of roses and laurels. Quotations taken 
from M. de Beauharnais' speeches alternated with chande- 
liers laden with lights. These simple yet impressive 
decorations made a suitable background to a credence-table 
which was arranged as an altar where, amid bouquets of 
flowers and numerous candlesticks, I beheld the full-length 
portrait of my unfortunate husband. . . . Six other young 
companions of my son stood round the altar in respectful 
silence. On our arrival they drew their swords, seized my 
son by the hand and swore to love their parents, help one 
another and defend their fatherland. At this sacred word 
my son unfurled a little tricolour flag which he then placed 
beside his father's portrait. I said to him : ' He fought for 
these three colours and died defending them. Never forget 
that you are his son, and, when on the battlefield, never 
forget that these three colours represent liberty.' At these 
words we all embraced one another amid laughter and tears, 
and the inauguration ceremony was followed by the most 
amiable disorder. Oh ! my kind aunt, if anything can 
console me for my irreparable loss it will be these children 
who, although they make me realize it most acutely, still 
help me to bear that loss. How I regret that my Hortense 
was not present ! But she is with you, and she will read this 
letter ; she will shed tears of joy, for her heart is filled with 
the same love and affection with which her brother's heart 
is filled." 



CHAPTER II 

Eugene makes the acquaintance of his future step-father — General|Bona- 
parte pays court to Mme. de Beauharnais — ^Eugene is again sent to 
college — General Bonaparte marries the widow Beauharnais — Eugene 
becomes his step-father's aide-de-camp — He visits the Ionian Isles — 
He receives his baptism of fire in Rome — He is ordered to accompany 
General Bonaparte to Egypt — -A strange and embarrassing visit — 
The taking of Jaffa — -St. Jean d'Acre resists General Bonaparte — 
Return to France. 

IN consequence of several plots — and notably that of the 
13th vendemiaire (October 5th, 1795) — to overthrow 
the Republic, which having survived many " crises of 
growth " now seemed established on a firm basis, the 
Parisians were forbidden under penalty of death to keep 
fire-arms in their houses and were ordered to carry all 
weapons to the mairies of their respective arrondissements. 
This command was received with dismay by Eugene ; how 
could he bear to part with his father's sword ? However, 
there was nothing to be done but to obey. Nevertheless, 
Eugene, with a courage which is rather surprising in such 
a timid disposition as his, determined to make one effort to 
recover the beloved relic ; so he wrote to the commander- 
in-chief of the conventional troops, begging him to restore the 
sword, which had already been seized, to its rightful owner. 
To his astonishment he received a reply appointing an 
interview. Punctually at the hour indicated — an early one, 
for the commander-in-chief was a very busy man — Eugene 
appeared at the latter's house. ^ He was received by a small, 
thin, sallow-faced man whose piercing dark blue eyes, 
shaded by a lock of lank, black hair, seemed to look into the 
very depths of his heart. 

" My name is Eugene de Beauharnais," replied Eugene in 

^ One or two historians deny that the following scene ever took place ; 
but as Eugene mentions it in his memoirs, we see no reason why it should 
not have happened. Napoleon, while at Saint Helena, also narrated the 
incident to O'Meara. 

D 49 



50 eug£ne de beauharnais 

answer to the commander's inquiries as to who he was and 
why he was so anxious to obtain possession of the weapon. 
" I am the son of a ci-devant, General Beauharnais, who 
fought for the Republic on the banks of the Rhine. My 
father was denounced by his enemies, dragged before the 
revolutionary tribunal, and assassinated three days before 
the fall of Robespierre." 

"Assassinated?" repeated the commander in a sharp 
tone, knitting his brows. 

" Yes, General, assassinated ! I come in my mother's 
name to beg you to deign to use your influence with the 
Comite de sahtt public and persuade them to restore to me 
the sword, which I wish to use in future in order to fight the 
enemies of my country and support the cause of the Re- 
public." 

A smile of indulgence broke over the young commander's 
stern face. He liked such plain speaking. Although the 
stripling's independent spirit had rather surprised him, he 
secretly admired his pluck : had he not dared to assert, and 
repeat his assertion, that his father had been assassinated 
by the infallible revolutionary tribunal ? Such an assertion 
might have cost him his life a few months ago ! The com- 
mander began to examine his visitor more carefully ; the 
boy had an honest countenance ; he was not handsome — 
Eugene never had any pretensions to being an Adonis — but 
the big, expressive eyes, now filled with tears, were not 
afraid to meet the Corsican's penetrating glance. 

" Well spoken, young man ! " cried General Bonaparte ; 
" well done ! I like your pluck and your devotion to your 
father's memory. His sword, the sword of General Beau- 
harnais, shall be restored to you. Wait a minute ! " 

General Bonaparte now summoned one of his aides-de- 
camp and told him to bring the sword ; the officer soon 
appeared bearing the precious souvenir of happier times. 
General Bonaparte with his own hand presented it to 
Eugene, who, unable to speak for emotion, pressed it to his 
lips and heart while the tears ran down his cheeks. 

General Bonaparte was much touched by the boy's 
evident love and esteem for his dead father ; had he not also 
lost his father at an early age ? He placed his hand on 
Eugene's shoulder, adding in a kind voice : 




(Photo : A. R. Montagu) 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE IN HIS YCUTH 

From a bust by an unknown sculptor in the Museum of Ajaccio 



To face page 50 



GENERAL BONAPARTE 51 

" Young friend, I shall be very pleased if I can be of 
service to you and your mother." 

Astonished at this unexpected kindness, Eugene looked 
up. 

" You are very good, General ; my mother and sister will 
pray for you." 

This little sentence brought another smile to the General's 
pale face ; he was unaccustomed to such promises. How- 
ever, he nodded kindly to Eugene, told him to present 
his compliments to his mother, and ended by asking 
himi to come and see him again. This invitation Eugene 
gladly accepted ; but he did not come alone, for Mme. de 
Beauharnais, on hearing of the gracious reception accorded 
to her son by the already successful and influential General 
Bonaparte, determined to accompany him on his next visit 
and thank the General for his kindness to Eugene with her 
own lips. 

General Bonaparte, less familiar with society ladies' wiles 
than with the art of winning laurels, was much impressed by 
Mme. de Beauharnais' affected airs and graces, so different 
from the rough manners and inelegant expressions of Signora 
Letizia and his sisters Elisa, Pauline and Caroline, thorough 
bourgeoises to the end of the chapter, notwithstanding their 
titles and their intercourse with nearly all the crowned 
heads in Europe. He begged Mme. de Beauharnais to allow 
him to call upon her at her hotel in the rue Chant ereine. 
His first visit afforded him so much pleasure that he returned 
again and yet again until the habit had become a rule. 

Poor Eugene and Hortense (as Eugenie was now called) 
soon noticed that the General had become something more 
than an ordinary friend. Before many months had elapsed, 
Eugene saw that this extraordinary intimacy would end in 
a marriage. He tells us in his memoirs what he suffered on 
making this discovery : " Notwithstanding the splendour 
which has surrounded Napoleon since those days, I have 
never been able to forget the agony I endured when I 
realized that my mother had made up her mind to marry 
again. It seemed to me as if a second marriage, no matter 
with whom, would be bound to profane my father's 
memory." 

General Bonaparte's opinion was now consulted on every 



52 eug£ne de beauharnais 

occasion. He took a keen interest in Eugene and Hortense's 
education. It was probably the discovery of the fact that 
these two young people were opposed to her second marriage 
which made the widow Beauharnais pack Hortense off to 
Mme. Campan's ^ boarding-school for young ladies at 
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, while Eugene was sent to complete 
his studies at the so-called College des Irlandais in the same 
town, kept by Father MacDermott, formerly tutor to Mme. 
Campan's son. 

Eugene seems, in his earlier years, and indeed practically 
all his life, to have been of a rather shy, retiring disposition, 
diffident as to his own powers. This disposition was probably 
answerable for one or two incidents in after-life, when even 
his most ardent admirers are fain to wish that he had shown 
a little more spirit and independence. On the few occasions 
when he did speak out his mind, he reaped nothing but 
praise. It is possible that Hortense might have been 
happier if she could have exchanged characters with her 
brother ; but we doubt whether Eugene would have earned 
the title of Le Bayard du Steele, sans peur et sans reproche, if 
he had been blessed — or rather cursed — with his sister's self- 
will. His timidity, his desire to keep in the background 
(in society, not on the battlefield) may have had a physical 
cause ; he was always deeply emotional and very nervous ; 
doubtless, his stormy childhood had left some traces on his 
constitution. We must remember that Eugene had been 
much more with his father than Hortense had ever been ; 
he had a very vivid imagination and he had adored his father, 
the mere mention of whose name sufficed to bring tears to his 
eyes. When any of his tutors alluded to the defunct 
vicomte's feats of bravery, Eugene would sigh and exclaim : 

" Ah ! if papa had only lived ! " 

Although the Revolution had deprived him of his natural 
protector, Eugene was quite willing to acknowledge that it 
had brought many benefits to his country and abolished 
not a few abuses. He would astonish his tutors by his 
knowledge of this subject, which he was never weary of 
discussing. The dream of his life was to follow in his father's 

1 Mme. Campan (1752-1822) : after being lectrice to Marie-Antoinette, 
was charged by Napoleon, in 1S05, to direct the house at Ecouen, belong- 
ing to the Legion d'honneur. 



EUGENE AT COLLEGE 53 

footsteps. On one occasion, when one of his masters was 
relating the story of Turenne and his brave deeds, Eugene 
cried with sparkHng eyes : 

"I, too, will be a great general some day ! " 

While at the College des Irlandais, Eugene, whose 
apprenticeship in the rue de I'Echelle had helped to develop 
his character more than anything else, made great progress 
in his studies. From a little note written to his mother in 
Paris, we learn the fact that she did not often give her 
children the pleasure of her company about this time. 

" My dear mama, I was mightily surprised to see Thomas 
here yesterday. I have given him a letter for you in which 
I beg you to come and see me as soon as possible. You 
forget that I have not seen you for nearly a month, so you 
can imagine that your son is longing to embrace you. I 
hope that the weather will not prevent you coming ; it is 
fine just at present. Please bring me a little moist sugar and 
some books." 

The last sentence looks as if luxuries were not plentiful at 
the Rev. MacDermott's establishment. Among Eugene's 
school-fellows was Jerome Bonaparte, Napoleon's youngest 
and favourite brother. Eugene and Jerome do not seem 
to have been very good friends ; Eugene was always being 
held up to Jerome as a model of perfection, which the latter, 
naturally enough, did not relish ; however, he took care to 
pay Eugene out at the time of the Empress's divorce. 

Mme. de Beauharnais now announced her approaching 
marriage with General Bonaparte to her relations and 
friends ; she quieted any scruples she might have felt 
concerning the advisability of marrying a man younger 
than herself, a man who although he had already had several 
successes, still had to make his way in life, by telling herself 
and her friends that she was doing so for the sake of her 
fatherless children, who would find in him a necessary 
protector. Their grief at being separated from their mother 
mattered little to her : had she not once before turned them 
over to the tender mercies of comparative strangers when 
she found them in her way ? And yet those children, so deep 
was their affection for her, were powerless to perceive her 
faults, faults for which Eugene, at least, was to suffer most 
cruelly. We can surely say that, in this case, the children's 



54 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

affection for their mother far outbalanced that mother's 
affection for them. Eugene and Hortense, at their mother's 
behest, wrote frequently to the Corsican general who was so 
soon to take the dead man's place in their home. General 
Bonaparte, in one of his love-letters to his betrothed, 
alludes to these little notes when he says : 

" Kiss your amiable children for me ; they write charming 
letters. The fact that I am parted from you makes me love 
them all the more." 

Scandal had lately been rather busy with Mme. de Beau- 
harnais' good name ; certain female, and even a few male, 
busybodies had been circulating a report to the effect that 
she, after having been on too familiar terms with Hoche 
and Barras, was now about to make General Bonaparte the 
laughing-stock of tout Paris. However, the charming 
Creole had bewitched her pale Corsican lover to such an 
extent that he had ceased to wish to be free, and now only 
asked to be allowed to devote his life and his talents to 
making her happy and successful in society. So, on the 
19th ventose, an IV (March gth, 1796), the civil marriage of 
Mme. de Beauharnais and General Napoleon Bonaparte was 
celebrated in Paris in the presence of the following witnesses : 
Barras, Tallien, Calmelet, Leclerc, Jean Lemarrois and the 
fair widow's children, Eugene and Hortense. 

The nation now recognized General Bonaparte's talents 
by giving him command of the armee d'ltalie, whereupon 
the young husband, notwithstanding the fact that he had 
only been married a few days, and probably realizing that his 
bride cared more for social success than for domestic pleasures, 
started for Italy. But before leaving France he sent for his 
stepson and, during an affectionate interview, promised to 
summon him to his side as soon as the boy's tutors con- 
sidered his education sufficiently advanced to admit of his 
departure from college. Poor Eugene ! so he had to wait 
several long, weary months at Saint Germain. But at last 
in February, 1797, he received the welcome summons from 
his step-father to join him in Italy, where, on arriving, he 
found his mother, whom General Bonaparte, after having 
written volumes of prayers and supplications, had at last 
persuaded to expatriate herself and leave her beloved Paris. 
The general's military duties necessitated frequent absences 



HIS STEPFATHER'S AIDE-DE-CAMP 55 

from his wife which, we regret to say, she did not mind, so 
happy was she in Milan, where she was feted and made much 
of to such an extent that even she, who was dif&cult to 
please in this matter, was content. 

Eugene was now in his seventeenth year. The sympathy 
which General Bonaparte had felt for Eugene on the occasion 
of their first interview had ripened into affection based upon 
esteem for the youth's good qualities (which General Bona- 
parte, although often deceived in his judgment of human 
character, had been sharp enough to recognize), and which he 
proved by making him his aide-de-camp and a member of 
that brilliant staff of young officers, not one of whom had yet 
attained the age of thirty years, and whose names included 
those of Murat, Louis Bonaparte, Marmont, Duroc and the 
subject of this biography, who was the benjamin of them all. 
It is said that General Bonaparte loved his aides-de-camp 
as a father loves his children ; they were all proud of the 
fact in those days, and one and all endeavoured to prove 
their gratitude and affection. But did not General Bona- 
parte divide his aides-de-camp into two categories : those 
who were carpet-knights, and those who loved the smell of 
gunpowder ? Eugene's subsequent career proved that he 
belonged to the latter, not to the former category. 

The years from 1793 to 1809 read like a glorious litany of 
victories won by the French army, a magnificent title-roll 
beginning with Toulon and ending with Wagram. Eugene, 
from the time he joined his step-father, had a large share in 
these victories. He began his military career with helping to 
subjugate the Italian States. 

During the summer of this year (1797) General Bonaparte, 
together with his wife and staff, left Milan and went to the 
chateau of Montebello, in the vicinity of Verona, where he 
was soon joined by his mother and sisters. An important 
ceremony was about to take place in the Bonaparte family, 
for the General's handsome sister Pauline was to marry 
General Leclerc.^ And here the marriage took place. The 
little family party, notwithstanding numerous disputes 
such as always occur when so many interests clash together, 
was fairly peaceable, although Signora Letizia was rather 

1 Lederc, Victor Emmanuel (1772-1802) : a French general, chiefly 
known to history as the husband of Pauline Bonaparte. 



56 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

fond of scolding and trying to make her numerous children 
see things exactly in the light in which she saw them herself. 
Eugene was still too young and too insignificant in the eyes 
of his stepfather's relations to incur their hatred ; and yet, 
although still almost a child in some ways, he was beginning 
to show what sort of a man he would develop into. 

Poor Hortense was still at Mme. Campan's boarding- 
establishment for young ladies at Saint Germain ; she 
was growing into a pretty girl, and if she was half as lively 
as her mother had been at her age, she must have hated the 
restraint and tedious gentility of Mme. Campan, once 
lectrice to Mesdames the daughters of Louis XV, then 
lady-in-waiting to Marie-Antoinette, and now the directress 
of a sort of nursery-garden for the future queens, princesses 
and duchesses who helped to adorn Napoleon's Court with 
their beauty and wit. 

In the month of November, 1797, Josephine returned to 
Paris, having spent a very happy summer and autumn. 
Eugene, however, had left her early in October, while the 
negotiations for the Peace of Campo Formio were in progress, 
in order to carry out a mission of inspection in the Ionian 
Isles which his stepfather had entrusted to him that he 
might show what he could do. 

Eugene had a very narrow escape from assassination during 
his visit to Corfu, where he landed and where he was accorded 
a friendly reception and presented with a sword of honour 
bearing a flattering inscription. While absent one evening 
at an entertainment, the room which Eugene was inhabiting 
in the governor's house was invaded by three mysterious 
individuals armed with daggers. On finding the owner 
absent, they retired without touching any of the valuable 
articles with which his room was decorated. Eugene's 
servant was not endowed with much courage ; he was 
asleep in his master's dressing-room when the unwelcome 
visitors appeared, and was so terrified by their threatening 
attitude and their daggers that he lost his voice for some 
time ; however, when Eugene returned in the early morning 
his servant had recovered his voice and was able to tell him 
what had happened during his absence. It eventually 
transpired that these mysterious midnight visitors had come 
to murder not Eugene, but the person who had occupied the 



EUG£NE visits ROME 57 

room before his arrival and who had made himself so 
unpopular in the island that he had had to leave Corfu 
secretly. 

A fortnight was spent in the islands, at the end of which 
time the Alette came to convey him to Naples, where he 
spent ten days visiting Vesuvius, etc., and then went on to 
Rome, where he found one of his step-father's brothers, 
Joseph Bonaparte, at that time ambassador at the Court 
of Rome. Joseph was living there with his wife and sister- 
in-law. Mile. Desiree Clary by name, who was engaged to be 
married to General Duphot,^ also attached to the French 
Embassy in Rome. Eugene was invited to remain for the 
wedding ; he gladly accepted the invitation. 

Rome had been in an unsettled condition for some time 
past ; the inhabitants had expressed a wish to have their 
old republican government restored to them. The leaders 
of this movement had lately had an interview with General 
Duphot, when the latter, rather unadvisedly, had given 
them to understand that they could count upon the French 
government to support any efforts on their part in this 
direction. 

On December 26th, 1797, Joseph Bonaparte received 
several warnings to the effect that a revolution would break 
out during the following night. Realizing that General 
Duphot had spoken too precipitately, Joseph informed the 
leaders of the movement that the Directoire would certainly 
repress any attempt at revolt on the part of the populace 
against the authority of the sovereign pontiff ^ ; he added 
that he would immediately communicate with the French 
government upon the subject. The revolutionists, keenly 
disappointed, left the Embassy promising to do nothing 
until they had heard from him again. That same evening, 
towards nightfall, Joseph received a visit from the Spanish 
ambassador, a personal friend of his, who informed his 
fellow-functionary that he had just learnt from the Pope's 
secretary that a revolution was about to break out — not 
against the Papal government, however, but against the 
representatives in Italy of the Directoire. Strange to say, 

^ Duphot, Leonard (1770 (?)-97) : distinguished himself during the 
Italian campaign in 1796 ; he was the author of a fine ode : Aux manes 
des Mros marts pour la libertd. * Pope Pius VI (1775-99). 



58 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

both parties seemed equally well aware of each other's plans. 
The supporters of this second movement had worked so 
skilfully that they had nearly succeeded in persuading the 
Holy Father that his life was in danger owing to France's 
treacherous behaviour in supporting the revolutionists. 

A meeting of the would-be republicans took place on the 
morrow, December 27th, at the Villa Medici, when it was 
noticed that many of those present wore tricolour cockades. 
This meeting, however, came to a sudden conclusion, for 
some Papal guards appeared, whereupon a miniature battle 
ensued, during which two dragoons were killed. Matters 
were not improved by the discovery, after the fray, of a 
great sackful of tricolour cockades. On learning of this 
encounter, Joseph Bonaparte hurried off to the house of 
Cardinal Doria Pamfili, the Secretary of State, informed him 
that he had had no idea that such a meeting was going to 
take place, and, in order to prove his innocence, offered to 
allow certain strangers, who, it was reported, had taken 
refuge in the French Embassy, to be arrested, if, on a search 
being made, any such should be found. Joseph then returned 
to the Embassy. He was about to sit down to dinner with his 
family, when loud cries were heard in the street outside ; on 
looking out of the window, he beheld a huge concourse of 
people who immediately began to cry : " Long live the 
Republic ! Long live the Roman people ! " as soon as 
they caught sight of the representative of the French 
government. One of the leaders then asked to be allowed 
to speak to Joseph. This man, who gave himself out as an 
artist, demanded protection for himself and for his un- 
fortunate compatriots ; he was rather taken aback when 
Joseph recommended him and his " unfortunate com- 
patriots " to retire as quickly and as quietly as possible or 
he, Joseph, would not be responsible for what might happen. 
But the crowd, which contained many well-known police- 
spies, only continued to grow in volume. In short, the 
vehemence with which the manifestants yelled : " Long live 
the Republic ! Long live the Roman people ! " made 
Joseph think that the whole affair was a trap laid by the 
Papal government ; he therefore determined to act in such 
a manner that neither the Holy Father nor the French 
government at home could find fault with his conduct. 



HIS BAPTISM OF FIRE 59 

Several French officers belonging to the Embassy staff, 
together with his guest Eugene, offered to help him disperse 
the crowd. Clad in his official costume, Joseph was just 
preparing to go outside the palace accompanied by these 
officers and several employes at the Embassy and order the 
crowd to disperse, when shots were heard in the distance. 
A detachment of cavalry now appeared, and was greeted 
by still louder cries of : " Long live the Republic ! Long 
live the Roman people ! " to which it replied by charging 
and slashing left and right at the crowd. The latter, 
surprised and terrified, rushed into the courtyard of the 
Embassy, burst open the great doors, and fled shrieking up 
the staircases and along the corridors in all directions. The 
Papal soldiers, in hot pursuit, invaded the grounds of the 
French Embassy looking for more victims. Now General 
Duphot, who was a very hot-tempered man, was enraged 
at this proceeding and swore that he would avenge this 
insult to the government of his fatherland. Seizing his 
sword, he ordered the other officers to follow him. The 
corridors of the Embassy were filled with dead and dying. 
Joseph now advanced to parley with the Papal troops, who 
continued to arrive in still greater numbers. On seeing his 
threatening attitude, the invaders of French territory 
began to beat a retreat. Joseph then ordered the captain — 
a certain Amadeo — to step forward. No reply. The Papal 
soldiers still retreating, the revolutionists, emboldened by 
this fact, determined to sally forth from their stronghold 
and try to retrieve their losses. But Joseph saw that such a 
step would only draw down terrible retribution upon the 
would-be republicans, so he forbade them to leave the 
grounds of the Embassy and, in order to make them obey 
him, drew his sword, telling General Duphot and his 
adjutant Sherlock to do the same. This time the refugees 
were obedient. The Papal troops, however, again advanced, 
and recommenced firing. Although Joseph and his officers 
were unhurt, several men in the front ranks of the revolu- 
tionists fell mortally wounded. During the brief interval 
while the Papal soldiers were reloading their guns, Joseph 
commanded Eugene and an official named Arrighi not to 
allow the insurgents to leave the grounds of the Embassy 
on any pretext whatever (which they were clamouring to 



6o eug£ne de beauharnais 

do in order to revenge their dead) ; he then advanced, 
together with Duphot and Sherlock, towards the Papal 
troops in the hope of persuading them not to fire again. 
General Duphot, accustomed to face danger on the field of 
honour, rushed up to the foremost rank, bravely seized two 
of the guns which were pointed at his breast, and besought 
the soldiers to cease firing and not to charge again. His 
voice was drowned by a volley of shots. About twenty of the 
insurgents inside the Embassy grounds fell dead. The Papal 
soldiers then retreated, dragging Duphot with them, as far 
as the Porta Settimiana, where Joseph and Sherlock, who, 
powerless to rescue their comrade, had followed them at a 
distance, saw poor Duphot 's end. A soldier discharged the 
contents of his gun at him ; although badly wounded, 
Duphot, with the help of his trusty sword, managed to 
crawl a few yards along the ground towards Joseph and 
Sherlock, who were calling him by name, when another 
bullet felled him to the earth ; a second later, fifty shots 
rang out on the still evening air. As Joseph and Sherlock 
could do nothing more for their dead comrade, and as they 
were in danger of sharing his fate, the adjutant persuaded 
his chief to return to the Embassy, which they did with a 
good deal of trouble, having to climb over the walls of the 
garden belonging to the building, where they found Eugene 
and Arrighi much exercised as to their safety and very 
indignant at the rough treatment which they had received 
during Joseph's absence at the hands of the refugees. The 
threshold of the Embassy was drenched with blood ; about 
twenty corpses lay in a heap, while groans from the wounded 
could be heard on all sides. Joseph, fearing another attack, 
ordered the gates of the Embassy to be barricaded and all 
the shutters to be bolted. 

Eugene throughout the affair had distinguished himself 
by his coolness and pluck ; this was his baptism of fire. 
He found to his cost that excited Italians were not easy to 
handle ; one individual, in especial, a certain Ceracchi, who 
later suffered capital punishment for an attempt upon the 
life of the First Consul, was so particularly keen to avenge 
poor Duphot, that Eugene had to strike him repeatedly 
with the flat of his sword before he could make him listen 
to reason. 



HIS BAPTISM OF FIRE 6i 

Joseph found his wife and sister-in-law nearly crazy with 
anxiety. General Duphot was to have married pretty 
Desiree Clary on the morrow. Unlucky Desiree ! Fate and 
unkind relations had already prevented her marrying 
General Bonaparte, as he had certainly wished to do at 
one time ; and now General Duphot was no more ! That 
brave heart had ceased to beat. And they were anxious, 
too, for the safety of Mme. Clary, Joseph's mother-in-law, 
and for her youngest son ; they, however, were in safety 
with kind friends. 

Night had fallen. Shots were again heard in the distance, 
then coming nearer, and at last striking and smashing the 
shutters of the Embassy. The little fortress was sadly in 
need of protectors ; three of the servants were missing, two 
were too badly wounded to do anything but lie still and groan, 
while the others, although provided with fire-arms, were not 
accustomed to handling them. During a pause in the firing, 
the French officers, unable to bear the thought of the mangled 
corpse of their brave comrade lying alone, abandoned and ex- 
posed to the insults of any casual passer-by, expressed their 
intention of going to fetch it. A little band composed of 
these courageous volunteers and of some of the Embassy 
servants now sallied forth to look for Duphot's remains. 
By choosing a roundabout path, they managed to avoid 
meeting the Papal troops, and eventually reached the spot 
where they had last seen their friend. His corpse, stripped 
naked, riddled with bullets and pierced by bayonets, was 
found under a heap of stones. The captain of the murderers — 
Amadeo — had taken the general's sword and belt ; a priest 
from a neighbouring parish had helped himself to his watch ; 
the common soldiers had taken all that remained — his 
clothes. When Joseph saw the poor mangled body he 
swore to shake the dust of Rome off his feet as soon as he 
could obtain passports for himself and for his family. 

As the battle had now been going on for six hours and 
seemed likely to continue until dawn, Joseph wrote to 
Cardinal Doria Pamfili telling him what had happened — he 
must have known all about it long ago — inviting him to 
come and see for himself to what a state of siege they were 
reduced ; he concluded his letter thus : " The palace of 
France is being besieged ; it is urgent that either you 



62 eug£ne de beauharnais 

yourself, or some member of the government, or somebody 
whom you can trust, should come here. I hope that you 
will come in person. You will experience no difftculty in 
getting here." 

The firing having stopped for a time, a messenger was 
despatched with this letter to the Cardinal-Secretary of 
State ; the messenger, after having been beaten and grossly 
insulted by the Papal troops posted in the neighbouring 
streets, was allowed to go on his way. A carriage containing 
an individual who, alas ! wore no red robes, drove up to the 
French Embassy soon after the departure of Joseph's 
messenger ; this visitor was the chevalier Angiolini, one of 
Joseph's most trusted friends, who, with great difficulty, had 
persuaded the Papal soldiers to allow him to pass. When 
asked by them whether he liked danger and the smell of 
gunpowder, he replied with the greatest sang-froid that 
" nobody could possibly be in any danger in the French 
Embassy in Rome." 

A few minutes later another of Joseph's friends, the 
chevalier Azara, the Spanish ambassador, who only the day 
before had warned him of what was about to happen, 
appeared upon the scene. Both gentlemen expressed their 
indignation at the whole affair and their surprise that 
Joseph had received no reply to his letter. At their advice, 
Joseph wrote a second letter to Cardinal Doria Pamfili asking 
for passports and for post-horses, as he intended leaving 
Rome at once. Again no notice was taken of his letter. 

Joseph now begged MM. Azara and Angiolini to represent 
him and to look after the interests of the French residents 
in Rome. At six o'clock on the following morning he, 
Eugene and his whole family left for Florence, where they 
were sheltered by the French ambassador, M. Cacault. 

Joseph Bonaparte hastened to send fuU details of this 
scandalous affront to the government at home in France. 
In his letter he says : 

" I should consider myself guilty of gross injustice 
towards the Republic if I did not insist upon the Directoire 
taking immediate measures to revenge this outrage. . . . 
The Papal government is never weary of evil-doing ; it is 
crafty and bold when it wishes to commit a crime, but when 
once that crime has been committed, it becomes servile and 



LAVALETTE 63 

cowardly. To that government we owe the murder of M. 
BasseviUe. It is now groveUing at the feet of M. Azara, 
beseeching him to hurry off to Florence and persuade me 
to return to Rome with him. ..." 

The murder of M. Basseville to which Joseph Bonaparte 
alludes in the above letter was the first link in the chain of 
circumstances which led to the formation of the Roman 
Republic. Nicolas Jean Hugon de Basseville was secretary 
to the French legation in Naples when, happening to be on 
a secret mission to Rome, on January 13th, 1793, he was 
attacked by a mob for allowing his servants to wear tricolour 
cockades. Seeing himself in danger of being stoned to death, 
he returned to his lodgings ; but even here he was not safe, 
for an individual soon after broke into his room and slashed 
him so terribly with a razor that he succumbed to his 
injuries within a few hours. The Convention adopted his 
son in the name of the Republic. 

Pope Pius VI, realizing that he had gone too far, and being 
in bad health at that time and in dread of reprisals on the 
part of the French government, did his very best to persuade 
Joseph Bonaparte to return to his post in Rome. But Joseph 
had had enough of Italy for the time being ; he saw that all 
these popular disturbances would lead to a great upheaval, 
and he, like the Pope's own nephew, Cardinal Braschi, who 
had already fled to Naples, had no intention of assisting 
at any more scenes similar to that which he had lately 
witnessed — not if he could help it, at least. So Joseph, 
together with his family, Eugene and the French officers, 
returned to Paris. 

Among General Bonaparte's aides-de-camp was a certain 
Lavalette,^ of humble origin, who, during the campaign in 
Italy, had proved himself worthy of his general's esteem 
and affection. Now General Bonaparte thought that he could 
show no greater proof of his favour than to give some 
member of his family, or of his wife's family, in marriage 
to his servitors. Had he not just married his sister Pauline 
to General Leclerc, and did he not, in 1800, give his sister 
Caroline to Murat ? He therefore expressed a wish that 
Lavalette should marry Mile. Emilie de Beauharnais, 

^ Lavalette, Marie Joseph Chamans, comte de (1769-1830) : aide-de- 
camp to Napoleon, then director of the Post Office. 



64 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Hortense's cousin, at that time finishing her education with 
General Bonaparte's sister Caroline and his step-daughter 
at Mme. Campan's establishment at Saint Germain. 

When Lavalette expressed doubts as to whether Mile. 
Emilie, whom he had never seen, who was still scarcely 
more than a child, and who knew nothing of the world 
outside the walls of her school, would consent to marry him, 
a soldier. General Bonaparte cut him short with a remark 
that he was talking nonsense, that her consent was un- 
necessary, and ended by telling him — almost ordering him — 
to marry her. 

During an interview that same evening with M. Lavalette, 
Mme, Bonaparte informed him that they were to go on the 
morrow to Saint Germain, when Lavalette would be intro- 
duced to his future wife ; she added as an afterthought : 
" You will be delighted with her ; she is even handsomer 
than my daughter, and that is saying a good deal." 

On the morrow. General and Mme. Bonaparte, Eugene de 
Beauharnais and Lavalette drove to Mme. Campan's house, 
the windows of which were packed with young ladies dressed 
in their best bibs and tuckers and all on tiptoe with excite- 
ment and curiosity to know the reason of this visit, to which 
they owed the fact that they had been given a whole 
holiday. While the guests were strolling round the garden, 
Mme. Bonaparte sent Hortense and Caroline to fetch her 
niece Emilie de Beauharnais. The appearance of his future 
bride, who was looking her loveliest on that fresh spring day, 
reduced the brave warrior to a state of mute ecstasy and 
admiration ; however, he recovered himself while helping 
to hand refreshments to the guests and their friends. 
Eugene now proposed that he, Mile. Emilie and Lavalette 
should inspect the grounds ; on reaching a secluded alley, 
Eugene was kind enough to walk on ahead of the young 
people, when M. Lavalette plucked up sufficient courage to 
address the bride whom he had been told to marry. He 
represented to the blushing Emilie that he was a poor man, 
that his sword was all he possessed, and that his only chance 
of success in life rested on the kindness of his general, with 
whom he was to go to Egypt before another fortnight had 
elapsed. 

Mile. Emilie listened in silence ; then, with lowered gaze 



ORDERED TO EGYPT 65 

and a smile which made the honest fellow blush with plea- 
sure, she took the bouquet of flowers she was wearing in her 
bodice and presented it to him, her accepted lover. 

When once General Bonaparte had made up his mind to 
do a thing, it had to be done immediately : forty-eight 
hours later Mile. Emilie de Beauharnais became Mme. 
Lavalette. But we shall hear more of her. 

On April 22nd, 1798, Eugene received the following letter 
from his step-father : 

" You will be so good as to start to-morrow morning at 
4 o'clock with citizen Fister and my wife's waiting- woman, 
with citizen Hebert and my own coachman on the box. 
You will go to Lyons, via Auxerre and Chalons. You must 
inquire in both towns as to whether my grooms, my servants, 
and my effects which left Paris on the 2nd and my baggage 
which was sent to Chalons, have arrived at either of those 
places or when we may expect them to reach Lyons. On 
reaching Lyons, you will put up at an inn on the place 
Bellecour, ci-devant Palais Royal, if the house is still in 
existence ; after which you will go to the Hotel de Provence 
and inquire if Duroc and Lavigne have got boats prepared 
for us. You must lay in a store of all sorts of provisions for 
the two days we shall be on the Rhone. You must ship my 
two carriages and see that everything is in readiness so that 
I can start as soon as I reach Lyons. Nobody is to be told 
that I am expected. . . ." 

Lyons was the first halt on the way to Toulon, at which 
seaport General Bonaparte was to embark for his successful 
Egyptian campaign. Eugene and his comrades reached 
Toulon some days before the General, who joined them 
May 9th. Eight days later they all embarked on the Orient ; 
and on the 19th the fleet, bearing 36,000 troops, sailed for 
Egypt. On this occasion General Bonaparte took eight 
aides-de-camp with him. The jealousy of the Bonapartes 
for Eugene was much increased by the fact that he had been 
chosen to accompany their successful brother ; but perhaps 
they comforted themselves with the thought that fever or a 
stray bullet might remove the young Beauharnais from 
their path, in which case General Bonaparte would soon 
forget that the valiant, warm-hearted j^outh had ever come 



66 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

into his life. General Bonaparte's adoration for his wife and 
his affection for her children by her first husband really 
caused them to suffer torments of jealousy about this time. 

On June 9th the French fleet reached Malta, which island, 
with its splendid geographical position, General Bonaparte 
had determined to seize. Having posted the different 
vessels belonging to his fleet along the sea-coast from the 
island of Gozo to the port of Marsa-Scirocco, he asked 
permission to enter the harbour of Malta ; this permission 
the Knights, who were not all of one mind concerning the 
matter, accorded, Hmiting, however, the number of vessels to 
four. Now General Bonaparte was not in the habit of 
allowing people to dictate their terms to him ; this reserva- 
tion gave him the excuse he wanted ; he promptly landed 
his troops in three columns, two of which were sent to attack 
Valetta, while the third was ordered to reduce the island of 
Gozo to submission. 

On the morning of June nth, Eugene received commands 
to join General Desaix,i who, towards evening of that same 
day, sent him to help Marmont.^ The garrison of Malta 
had just made a sally ; but Marmont was ready. He 
repulsed the attack and captured five flags, one of which 
Eugene wrested from the hands of a Knight of Malta. 
Eugene's pride at capturing this trophy, his modest demean- 
our when sent by Marmont to present the five flags to 
General Bonaparte on the Orient, only helped to endear 
him to his step-father. 

To General Bonaparte's honour be it said that he forbore 
to bombard the island, an operation which would have 
facilitated conquest, because it had come to his knowledge 
that certain desperadoes in Malta had sworn to murder all 
the Knights at the first bomb, and so he determined not to 
have recourse to this extreme measure. 

Marmont 's victory was followed on the morrow by 
negotiations which ended in a peace being signed : twenty- 
four hours later General Bonaparte entered Valetta. 
Satisfied with this victory, the general now continued his 

1 Desaix, Louis Charles Antoine (1768-1800) : a French general, whose 
heroic death at Marengo placed him among the immortals of French 

^^^^Marmont, due de Raguse (1774-1852) : marshal of France, con- 
cluded the treaty which gave Paris into the hands of the Alhes (181 5). 



BONAPARTE IN EGYPT 67 

voyage towards Egypt. The island of Candia was sighted 
on June 30th, and at daybreak on the morrow the Tour aux 
Arabes on the African coast was distinctly visible. A few 
hours later the minarets of the town of Alexandria were 
seen hanging like a fata morgana in the sky and reflected 
in the blue waves of the Mediterranean. A terrific storm 
arose soon after the fleet came in sight of the haven where 
it would be. 

Forty-three days had now elapsed since General Bona- 
parte had left Toulon, and he was impatient to begin 
operations. The first struggle, which took place on July 2nd, 
was short but sharp, and was attended with losses on both 
sides. Kleber,^ one of the general's truest friends, was 
wounded, as was Menou. The Alexandrians, in their 
common peril, had joined the Turkish garrison ; both forces 
fought bravely and resisted the roumis^ to the best of their 
ability. But no matter how bravely they might fight, the 
furia francese won the day. After peace had been signed, 
Eugene received orders to take some troops into the in- 
terior of the town, there to repress any efforts at rebellion 
or rioting. This expedition was attended with considerable 
danger, as Eugene found when he and his men were walking 
along the narrow streets, for a volley of bullets was sud- 
denly discharged from a house which, from the number of 
shots fired, seemed to contain several inhabitants deter- 
mined to resist the invader. Shouting to his men to follow 
him, Eugene burst the door open, only to find an old man 
crouching behind a narrow window and surrounded by ten 
or twelve muskets which his wife and children loaded and 
handed to him as soon as one had been discharged. 

General Bonaparte was now free to begin his triumphant 
march towards Cairo and the Pyramids, those stone sentinels 
which had witnessed the struggles of so many generations 
of human ants. The French troops found warfare on the 
burning sands of Egypt a very different thing from warfare 
in Europe ; they suffered much from the blazing sun, the 
sandstorms and the scarcity of drinking-water. On reach- 
ing the wells, some of which were ten or twelve leagues 

^ Kleber, Jean Baptiste (1753-1800) : an illustrious French general, was 
murdered at Cairo. 

* Name given by the Arabs to the French soldiers. 



68 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

apart, the soldiers frequently discovered that the contents 
had been already drained by the vanguard. Water-melons 
were very abundant, but not very wholesome, as the French 
troops found to their cost. Had General Bonaparte's cam- 
paign ended in disaster, kind friends would have said it was 
his own fault for undertaking such an expedition at such a 
time of year in such a country. 

When nearing Damanhour, the French army had an en- 
counter with a tribe of Arabs ; the latter's plan of warfare 
was to harass the enemy, attack them at unexpected times, 
and seize any stragglers imprudent enough to get separated 
from their companions. As the Arab chiefs, in order to 
stimulate the mamelukes' courage, had offered large rewards 
for the heads of the French soldiers, all prisoners were 
promptly despatched. The Nile now being very low,^ many 
of the wells were dry, which circumstance added terribly to 
the sufferings of the French troops. When the great army 
finally came in sight of the village of El-Houat, which was 
nothing more than a group of hovels, the soldiers shouted 
for joy ; here at last they would find the water for which 
they all longed so ardently. Alas ! great was their dis- 
appointment when they learnt that the wells, on their 
approach, had been emptied by the natives, who, however, 
had taken care to reserve sufficient water for their own use. 
The French troops, with admirable self-restraint, instead of 
taking the water from the Arabs by force, as they might 
have done, offered to pay for what they required ; as much 
as six francs were paid for a gourd full of muddy water so 
maladorous that they would have refused to drink it at 
any other time ; now they were thankful to get any water 
at all. Alas ! in after years Napoleon the Emperor was not 
so merciful as General Bonaparte. 

On July 20th the village of Embabeh was seen m the 
golden distance ; here it was that General Bonaparte and 
Mourad Bey were to meet and decide the fate of Egypt. 

Before attacking the enemy. General Bonaparte made 
his famous speech in which he, pointing to the Pyramids, 
sought to encourage his troops by this exhortation : 

" Soldiers ! remember that forty centuries are watchmg 
you from the summit of these monuments ! " 

But his soldiers did not need encouragement by word of 



BONAPARTE IN EGYPT 69 

mouth : was not one glance from that eagle eye sufficient 
to instil courage into the heart of the weakest ? How can 
we account for the fact that General Bonaparte was able 
to gather that triple pleiad of great generals round him : 
Kleber, Hoche, Lannes, Davout, Ney, Soult, Rapp, Junot, 
Bessieres, Lauriston, Jourdan, Lavalette, Desaix, Berthier, 
Bernadotte, Duroc and the five M.'s — Massena, Macdonald, 
Murat, Moreau and Marmont — not to mention their numer- 
ous satellites, except that he possessed some magnetic 
power which forced all those who came in contact with him 
to obey his will ? What became of all these generals after 
the master-brain which had inspired them, led them to 
victory, had been ingulfed in gloom ? Of those whom death 
spared — and theirs was not the happier lot — more than 
one bit the hand which had pointed the way to glory and 
fortune ; one and all sank into oblivion. 

General Bonaparte's troops proved by their prowess that 
they had understood his meaning ; success was assured. 
Eugene and his brother aides-de-camp were exposed to 
considerable danger during the celebrated Battle of the 
Pyramids, for the French troops fought at such close quar- 
ters with the enemy's cavalry that the general's aides-de- 
camp, in carrying orders, ran the double risk of being struck 
by their compatriots' bullets and of being slashed by the 
mamelukes' scimitars. 

Eugene says : 

" We were by no means idle during our stay in Cairo ; 
the general sent us every day to reconnoitre the desert, and 
not a day passed in which we did not have to encounter 
either a tribe of Arabs or mamelukes. On two occasions 
I was sent out at night, but without any result worth men- 
tioning. About this time, the general began to suffer from 
great depression of spirits, caused either by the discontent 
which reigned among a certain portion of the army, and 
especially among the superior officers, or else by unsatis- 
factory news from France with which people tried to disturb 
his domestic happiness. Although I was very young, he 
trusted me sufficiently to confide his troubles to my ear. 
It was usually at night that he, while pacing up and down 
his tent, took me into his confidence. I was the only person 
to whom he could unbosom himself. I tried to pacify him ; 



70 eug£ne de beauharnais 

I consoled him as well as I could and as well as my youth 
and my respect for him would allow me to do. . . ." 

M. Joseph Turquan, in his Wife of General Bonaparte, 
tells us the nature of the news from France ; that news, 
alas ! contained the first hint that things were not as they 
ought to be, and from this moment General Bonaparte 
began to entertain suspicions of his wife's conduct. 

Eugene was now sent by his step-father to pay a visit to 
the wife of Mourad Bey, the chief of the mamelukes, who 
had been abandoned by her husband together with the rest 
of his seragho. Eugene gives an amusing account of this 
visit in his memoirs : 

" Some French officers, among others Rapp, had been 
stabbed while walking in the streets of Cairo ; although the 
culprits had hitherto escaped scot-free, we had every reason 
to believe that some mamelukes lay concealed in the town. 
The house of Mourad Bey was suspected to be their hiding- 
place. I went at the general's command to see the chief's 
wife in order to assure her that her house and property 
would be respected and that she could count upon the pro- 
tection of the French, provided that she ceased all com- 
munication with the enemy and that she promised not to 
shelter any of the miscreants. Mme. Mourad Bey was most 
polite to me and graciously offered me a cup of coffee with 
her own hands. She promised to fulfil all the conditions 
required of her and, in order to convince me that no sus- 
picious persons lay concealed in her house, she begged me 
to search the place with her. We first went through several 
great rooms situated on the ground-floor in which were 
piled numerous cushions and rugs of all shapes and sizes. 
I must confess that I felt somewhat nervous, fearing lest 
one of those mamelukes, who are so clever in the art of 
cutting off people's heads, should spring out from beneath 
these cushions and rugs. The first floor was occupied by 
the women belonging to Mourad Bey's harem ; a certain 
number of females were in each room. It was here that a 
very grotesque and a very embarrassing scene was enacted. 
These women evidently thought me something strange ; 
they became extremely inquisitive ; they gathered round 
me, pushed and jostled me, fingered my clothes and even 



AN UNDESIRABLE POSITION 71 

tried to take them off. In vain Madame ordered them to 
withdraw ; in vain did I myself try to push them away — 
not too gently, either. At last Madame had to summon 
the eunuchs, who beat the women and finally managed to 
make them leave go of me. ..." 

Mme. Mourad Bey was so pleased with General Bona- 
parte's treatment of her that she sent him several presents, 
including a magnificent shawl (which Josephine afterwards 
wore when Empress) and her husband's fire-arms. 

We may be sure that Eugene keenly enjoyed being em- 
ployed by his step-father, although it might be on such 
peaceful errands as the above-mentioned visit to the wife 
of a fallen chieftain. He was ever on the look-out for occa- 
sions upon which to distinguish himself ; he was always the 
first to offer his services whenever there was any particu- 
larly dangerous mission to be accomplished. General 
Bonaparte had remarked this fact with considerable satis- 
faction ; he was proud of the young fellow's bravery ; 
nevertheless he considered it his duty to check Eugene's 
impulsiveness, and he said on one occasion, in that par- 
ticularly severe tone which always had such a salutary effect 
upon his soldiers — and upon many a crowned head as well : 
" Young man, you must learn that we, in our profession, 
must never run to meet danger ; we must be content to do 
our duty and do it well : the rest is in God's hands." 

While in Egypt, Eugene was fated to endure some very 
bitter moments, owing to his step-father's inconsiderate 
behaviour with the beautiful Mme. Foures, nicknamed 
" Our Lady of the East " by his soldiers. Poor Eugene was 
indeed placed in an undesirable position ; his duty towards 
his superior officer obliged him to ride behind the carriage 
in which General Bonaparte and Mme. Bonaparte's rempla- 
gante drove out in the cool of the evening. At last Eugene 
could bear this state of affairs no longer. In doubt as to 
whether he ought to write and inform his mother of what 
was going on or to say nothing, he went to see General 
Berthier^ and begged him to give him a post, no matter how 

^ Berthier, Alexandre (1753-1815) : first served in America., theji re- 
turned to France, where he commanded the National Guard of Versailles, 
and in this capacity protected the royal family. In 1796 he was sent to 
Italy, where he made the acquaintance of General Bonaparte and became 
one of his most intimate friends. In 1798 he took possession of Rome, 



72 eug£ne de beauharnais 

small, in some other regiment where he would not be obliged 
to endure this daily humiliation. General Bonaparte was 
inclined to be very angry with his step-son when he heard 
what he had done ; however, the youth's conduct had one 
good result, for the general in future refrained from appear- 
ing in public with the lady in question. Eugene continued 
to be his aide-de-camp ; indeed, their relations became even 
more friendly after this little episode. 

On October ist of this same year (1798) a violent insur- 
rection broke out in Cairo. On that particular day Eugene 
happened to be on duty with his step-father, and it was only 
by the merest chance that he was not chosen, instead of his 
Polish colleague Sulkowski, to accomplish a mission which 
cost the latter his life. 

In the following month General Bonaparte, having de- 
cided that the port of Suez would be a valuable possession, 
sent General Bon to seize the place in his name. Eugene 
led the vanguard. This was the first time that General 
Bonaparte had entrusted a mission of any real importance 
to his step-son ; it was likewise the first time that a small 
detachment of troops had been sent into the desert to face 
unknown dangers and the all too frequent want of water 
with its terrible consequences to man and beast. Through- 
out the Egyptian campaign the scarcity of water was one 
of the greatest difficulties General Bonaparte had to face. 

During this expedition some of the soldiers, after march- 
ing for four days under a broiling sun, seized their leather 
water-bottles and slashed them so that the precious con- 
tents ran out. If they thought that this conduct would 
force their general to return to Cairo they were mistaken. 
Eugene was powerless to prevent this act of insubordination 
and foolhardiness. In his indignation he, although only a 
beardless youth, struck several of the grenadiers who had 

overthrowing the pontifical government and estabhshing the RepubUc. 
He accompanied General Bonaparte to Egypt and went through the 
campaigns of Marengo, Austerlitz and Jena. He helped to win the Battle 
of Wagram, and was rewarded with the titles of prince de Neufchatle, 
vice-chancellor and prince de Wagram. He married a niece of the King 
of Bavaria. Although he disapproved of the Russian campaign he took 
part in that most disastrous affair. He was one of the first men of im- 
portance to welcome the Bourbons back to France. When Napoleon 
returned from Elba, Berthier hastened to leave his country and take 
refuge with his father-in-law at Bamberg. The cause of his death from 
a fall out of a window soon after has never been explained. 



BONAPARTE IN EGYPT 73 

served with his step-father in Italy. General Bon was 
determined not to be frustrated ; at last the little column, 
after much suffering, reached Suez. Luckily the enemy fled 
at the approach of the roumis, and so the place was taken 
without any trouble. On this occasion General Bonaparte 
sent the two following letters to his step-son, who had now 
had an opportunity to show what he was worth. 

" Cairo, 
" December nth, 1798. 

" I am glad to see from your letter that you have entered 
Suez leading the vanguard. March with the infantry. Do 
not trust the Arabs, and be sure to sleep under canvas. 
Write to me at every opportunity. " Napoleon." 

" Cairo, 
" December 16th, 1798. 

" I have received your letter, citoyen, together with the 
drawing which you had promised to send me ; it is very 
well done. I see by the number on your last letter that I 
have received all your letters. Take care not to sleep in 
the open air with your eyes uncovered. I embrace you. 

" Napoleon." 

A few days later General Bonaparte determined to join 
General Bon and Eugene at Suez. While crossing a branch 
of the Red Sea he was nearly drowned owing to his obstinacy 
in crossing by night. One of his generals, Dufalgua by name, 
was the only person, however, who was really in danger, 
and he, owing to the fact that he had a wooden leg which 
he would insist upon putting into the holes with which the 
ford abounded, found himself in a very perilous position. 
He had to stand a good deal of banter during the march 
across the desert. His men would point at him, nudge one 
another and mutter : " It's all the fault of that damned 
old wooden leg that we are here ! " Whereupon one more 
witty than his brothers in arms would say : " Pardieu I 
he don't care : he's always sure to have one foot in France 
no matter what happens ! ' ' alluding to the leg which General 
Dufalgua had lost during the wars of the Revolution. 
Strange to say, the speakers did not seem to mind whether 



74 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

their general heard or not. This may appear a Httle sur- 
prising to those who are unacquainted with French miHtary 
life ; but the same familiarity between officers and their 
men existed then as now. General Bonaparte was the first 
to treat his men as his children, a miracle-working term in 
the mouth of such a man. The old days of making nobly 
born children of seven years of age generals in the French 
army had passed with many another folly. 

On returning to Cairo, Eugene, although only eighteen 
years of age, was given the rank of lieutenant, which title 
he had earned. Early in the February of the following year 
General Bonaparte, ever restless and eager to add fresh 
laurels to the already abundant sheaf, began his expedition 
to Syria. After marching for three days, the army reached 
El-Arish on February 9th (1799), which stronghold, pro- 
tected by a remarkable wall, had to be taken before General 
Bonaparte could go further. One moonlight night, while 
the fort was being besieged, Eugene received orders to go 
with twenty-five of his men and take possession of a group 
of huts whose inhabitants, by their ceaseless firing, were 
causing the French army considerable losses. The bright 
moonlight enabled the enemy to take good aim at the little 
band, and Eugene lost seven of his men before he was able 
to silence their firing ; after telling the remaining eighteen 
men to stay there until he returned, Eugene hastened to- 
wards the camp. On his way back, however, he caught 
his foot in the roots of a bush and fell so heavily that he 
was unable to rise for some time. A rumour that he had 
been shot was circulated ; just as General Bonaparte had 
made up his mind that his step-son had perished and that 
he w^ould have to write the fatal news to the youth's mother 
in France, the young lieutenant appeared unhurt except 
for a very badly sprained foot. The fort surrendered on 
the morrow, when the army moved on towards Gaza. Owing 
to the ignorance or ill-will of their guides the French troops 
lost their way and narrowly escaped capture by the mame- 
lukes, those human vultures which hovered ceaselessly 
round the army, in order to escape whose unwelcome atten- 
tions General Bonaparte, knowing that they never attack 
by night, beat a retreat with his army one evening and so 
gave them the slip. On this occasion Eugene's horse, worn 



THE TAKING OF JAFFA 75 

out by heat and fatigue, fell down exhausted and its master 
was forced to accomplish the remainder of the journey on 
foot. 

It was about this time that Eugene had cause to be very 
grateful towards General Duroc/ his step-father's principal 
aide-de-camp. Eugene, the youngest member of General 
Bonaparte's staff, had received commands to carry some 
orders at midnight to Kleber, who was camping a few miles 
away in the direction of Ramleh. Overcome with fatigue, 
Eugene, after telling his orderly to wake him in time, threw 
himself on his bed. The servant obeyed, but, alas ! Eugene 
only turned over on the other side and in two seconds was 
as sound asleep again as ever. Duroc, although probably 
equally tired, was at his post, and when he saw that Eugene 
did not appear, he went to his tent and expostulated with 
him for his laziness, reminding him that it was his duty to 
start at once, that his honour depended upon this mission, 
insignificant as it might seem. At the word honour Eugene 
started up : he needed no more pressing. 

On reaching Ramleh, Eugene was sent, together with 
twenty-five men, to reconnoitre the valley leading to Jeru- 
salem ; he went within sight of the Sacred City, but was pre- 
vented from visiting it, as he should have liked to have done, 
by the inhabitants and the Arabs, who were evidently deter- 
mined not to allow him to enter. He tells us that he was the 
only French officer who saw Jerusalem during this campaign. 

The taking of Jaffa, the oft-besieged city, called by the 
Jews Joppe, or The Beautiful, was a lengthy matter ; the 
siege was rendered particularly horrible by the plague, which 
raged not only among the unfortunate besieged, but also 
among the besiegers. General Bonaparte, desirous of en- 
couraging his men, touched several of the plague patients. 
Was he not ever the fatalist, a believer in the theory that : 
" Fate hath already said what shall betide " ? 

" That Moving Finger writes ; and having writ. 
Moves on : nor all thy Piety nor Wit 
Shall lure it back to cancel half a line, 
Nor all thy Tears wash out a Word of it." 

Omar Khayyam. 

^ Duroc, due de Frioul (1772-1813): grand marshal of the palace of 
Napoleon I, and an illustrious general ; he was killed by a bullet at Wurs- 
chen. 



76 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Another horrible incident connected with the taking of 
Jaffa was the massacre of its inhabitants by the French 
troops after the city had surrendered. The scenes witnessed 
by Eugene, who was sent by his step-father to put a stop 
to this awful carnage — for which, we must add. General 
Bonaparte was not responsible — made a great impression 
upon the soft-hearted youth, who in after years, when arrived 
at man's estate, had to witness other equally horrible scenes. 

Three days after the taking of Jaffa, General Bonaparte 
moved on towards St. Jean d'Acre, where he arrived March 
17th. Commodore Sidney Smith, on the previous evening, 
had captured a French flotilla, the guns of which were em- 
ployed by him to defend Acre. We will now let Eugene 
tell us what he did when sent to reconnoitre Caiffa : 

"I, together with four chasseurs, had been sent by 
General Bonaparte on the previous evening to reconnoitre 
Caiffa in order to make sure that the town was occupied 
and defended by the enemy. On arriving a little way from 
the town, we perceived a great concourse of people on the 
walls, without, however, being able to ascertain whether 
they were armed or not. I continued to advance with my 
four men, for I was anxious to draw their fire so that I 
might be certain that the place was occupied and defended ; 
but on our approach nearly all these people disappeared ; 
I then made signs to those who remained on the walls to 
descend and open the gate. Hardly was it opened, when I, 
by a sort of inspiration, galloped into the town, followed by 
my four chasseurs. An English boat, commanded by a 
distinguished officer, had just left the shore and was making 
off as fast as it could. We discharged our guns and several 
pistols in its direction, but without any effect ; the shots 
which were fired at us in return were equally resultless. I 
learnt later that the superior officer was Commodore Sidney 
Smith, who was commanding the English fleet in those 
waters. This was not my only encounter with this gentle- 
man. ..." 

The siege of St. Jean d'Acre, like that of Jaffa, was at- 
tended with horrible scenes. At the very first attack, 
Eugene was placed hors de combat for nineteen days by a 
splinter from a shell ; this same shell threw down a wall, 
part of which fell upon the young lieutenant and buried 



ST. JEAN D'ACRE RESISTS 'j^ 

him in dust and rubbish ; he was eventually dug out from 
the d&bris, half suffocated. Plague was rife among besieged 
and besiegers. Many fierce contests took place without any 
important result. The French made repeated but fruitless 
efforts to take the town by storm ; three hundred heroes, 
who had won honour for the French colours during the 
first Italian campaign, swore to take the place or perish in 
the attempt : not one returned. 

Commodore Sidney Smith, aided by Hassan Bey's troops, 
was able to repulse every onset ; General Bonaparte was 
obliged to abandon the siege. The number of plague- 
stricken soldiers was so great that no precautions could be 
taken against infection. Wounded men and plague- 
patients were herded together in the same tent. As the 
wells in the vicinity of St. Jean had been poisoned, when 
the wounded crept up in the hope of quenching their thirst 
they succumbed immediately. Eugene escaped plague 
owing to the fact that he always held a handkerchief 
steeped in vinegar before his face when obliged to walk 
over any dead bodies. A heartrending scene took place 
when General Bonaparte gave orders to his army to raise 
the siege and return to Cairo ; he did everything that man 
could do for the comfort and transport of the sick, never- 
theless fifteen French soldiers, too ill to be moved, had to 
be left behind. We can imagine Eugene's sufferings on 
hearing the bitter reproaches addressed by the forsaken 
men to their General for whom they had given their lives. 
History does not record their ultimate fate : let us hope 
that death came to end their troubles. 

Of Eugene's five horses, three were used to carry plague 
patients, while his two remaining mounts were ridden by 
two wounded soldiers. 

Eugene now tells us how he captured an Arab tribe and 
a flock of camels : 

" The night before reaching Cairo, General Bonaparte, 
having perceived a big caravan on the edge of the desert, 
ordered me to take twenty-five mounted men and recon- 
noitre. This caravan was composed of an Arab tribe of 
about two hundred armed men with four hundred camels 
and a flock of sheep. On our approach they began to fly, 
but I continued to pursue them far into the desert. How- 



78 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

ever, our horses were so tired that we should not have been 
able to come up with them if I had not determined to 
choose five of my best mounted men, and to leave the rest 
behind with orders to follow us as quickly as possible. 
Having at last overtaken the Arabs, we rather imprudently 
charged right into their very midst, whereupon they dis- 
charged their guns at us ; but on the appearance of the rest 
of our little band they fled still farther into the desert, 
abandoning their flocks, which I immediately seized. I 
should not have known what to do with the animals if 
General Bonaparte, anxious at having lost sight of us, had 
not sent two or three pickets after us ; these men helped 
me to drive the whole flock back to Cairo." 

Hitherto Eugene, with the exception of a sprained foot 
and the little misadventure under the walls of St. Jean 
d'Acre, had had scarcely any illness ; however, he was so 
imprudent while at Ramanieh as to partake too freely of 
the water-melons used by the French soldiers to allay 
their thirst, whereupon he fell ill and was obliged to go to 
the hospital. This inaction was intensely irksome to the 
young soldier, and he teased Larrey^ until the latter allowed 
him, although still weak, to leave hospital and join the 
army outside Aboukir. 

" I left at one o'clock in the morning," says he, " and I 
was lucky enough to come up with the army, which had 
arrived outside Aboukir July 24th, 1799. Here we found 
the enemy, numbering about 18,000 men, entrenched in 
front of the village. Although General Bonaparte could 
only muster 4300 men and less than 800 horses, he deter- 
mined to open fire upon the enemy, which he did, and 
almost immediately dislodged them from their advanced 
post. Notwithstanding the fact that I was not an artillery 
officer, I was commissioned by the general to direct the two 
first cannons won from the Turks against the English boats 
which were on our left. I then observed that one of our 

^ Larrey, Dominique- Jean, baron (i 766-1 842) : called by the French 
army " the Soldiers' Providence," and by Napoleon " the virtuous Larrey," 
accompanied Napoleon on his campaigns in Italy, Egypt, Germany, Spain 
and Russia. He was wounded on several occasions while saving wounded 
soldiers under fire and was taken prisoner at Waterloo. His bravery and 
honesty secured for him the post of surgeon-in-chief to the royal guards 
during the Restoration. He deserves a special niche in the history of 
France for his devotion to his profession and his absolute fearlessness in 
the face of danger. 



RETURN TO FRANCE 79 

bullets had fallen so close to a ship's boat that it had nearly 
been swamped. By a strange chance Commodore Sidney 
Smith was in this boat, as he himself told me fifteen years 
later." 

We now find in Eugene's memoirs an account of the 
circumstances which made his step-father determine to 
return to Paris as soon as he could possibly do so without 
imperilling his position. 

" We had had no news from France for a long time, and 
I think I am right in saying that we had not seen any 
newspapers for eight months, with the exception of a few 
cuttings containing bad news purposely distributed by our 
enemies among our soldiers in order to dishearten them. 
General Bonaparte profited by our stay at Alexandria in 
order to try and learn what was going on in France. To 
obtain this result, he opened up negotiations with an 
English cruiser under the pretext of exchanging news- 
papers ; he managed to flatter the captain of the cruiser 
to such an extent that the fellow, unwilling to be behind- 
hand in the matter of civility, sent him by the hand of his 
secretary a number of French newspapers. This was 
exactly what the General wanted ; his politeness had had 
the desired effect. I was with him while he read these 
papers in which he learnt of our disasters : the loss of Italy 
and the imminent peril with which France was then threat- 
ened. While reading this bad news. General Bonaparte 
frequently uttered such exclamations as : ' Oh ! the 
wretches, can it be true ? ' — ' Poor France ! what have they 
done ? ' — and other phrases expressive of grief and indigna- 
tion. He became more and more agitated, and, in his 
impatience, scattered the newspapers over the table ; some 
of them fell close to me. As he did not seem to object to 
my doing so, I ventured to glance through one or two^ 
He made me sit down, and we spent the rest of the night 
reading the newspapers, which numbered over one hundred. 
Having finished them, he made me fasten them up in a 
bundle, told me to say nothing about what we had read, 
and then sent them back to the captain. Although he 
never took me into his confidence upon the subject, I am 
convinced that what he read that night made him deter- 
mine to return to France." 



8o EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

After taking Aboukir, General Bonaparte returned to 
Cairo, where he made his preparations for a secret depar- 
ture. He had his own reasons for not wishing his step-son 
to know that he really contemplated leaving Egypt, so he 
told him nothing beyond the fact that he was to hold him- 
self in readiness to start for Upper Egypt at any moment. 
But when Eugene did receive orders to start, the place of 
his destination was Lower, not Upper Egypt. 

They reached the coast after two days of incessant 
marching, Eugene says : 

" We were much surprised ; we did not know what to 
think of this sudden departure and mysterious march. The 
General, in order to put an end to the conjectures and re- 
marks of his staff, announced that he had just received news 
of the approach of the enemy's fleet and that another 
attack was feared. When nearing Alexandria, I was sent 
to reconnoitre along the sea-coast in order to ascertain 
whether there were any signs of the enemy having landed 
lately. The General seemed rather nervous while question- 
ing me on my return ; however, his face cleared when I 
informed him that I had indeed seen two frigates but that 
I thought they were flying the French flag. He had good 
cause to be pleased, for his plans seemed likely to succeed ; 
these two frigates were to take us back to France, He 
then informed me of this fact, adding : ' Eugene, you will 
soon see your mother again,' I did not experience all the 
pleasure I ought to have felt on hearing these words. We 
embarked that same night, and I remarked that my travel- 
ling-companions seemed equally depressed. This depression 
can only be explained by our mysterious departure, our regret 
at leaving our comrades, our fear of being captured by the 
English, and by the faint hope of ever seeing France again," 

We notice one strange remark in the above extract from 
Eugene's memoirs : he says that he did not experience all 
the pleasure he ought to have felt on hearing that he was 
soon to see his mother again. 

Can it be that, even in far-away Egypt, Eugene had 
heard of the renewal of his mother's intimacy with a certain 
Lieutenant Hippolyte Charles, a handsome young fop whom 
General Bonaparte had already been obliged to put in his 
proper place ? While her husband and son were in Egypt, 



RETURN TO FRANCE 8i 

exposed to all sorts of dangers on land and on water, to 
plague and to the other numerous risks which every soldier 
has to face, Mme. Bonaparte had been amusing herself at 
her country-house, La Malmaison,^ truly a Malmaison to 
her in after years, for in this lovely spot she was to learn 
the bitter truth of Dante's immortal verse : 
"Nessun maggior dolore, 

Che ricordarsi del tempo felice 

Nella miseria. ..." 

She hardly ever left the grounds of her property. The 
good folk of the neighbouring villages of Marly and Rueil, 
when walking along the high road outside the walls of La 
Malmaison, frequently caught glimpses of her strolling along 
under the beeches and chestnut trees which still flourish in 
that sweet spot, clad in a white dress with her head en- 
veloped in a gauze veil, leaning on the arm of a young man 
whom the simple-minded creatures fondly believed to be 
her son. Had not General Junot^ already been mistaken 
for Eugene when that brave fellow, in 1796, presented the 
flags won during the first Italian campaign to the Directoire 
on the occasion of a splendid fete at the Luxemburg ? 
Kind friends had taken care to inform General Bonaparte 
that Mme. Bonaparte had forgotten the saying that Caesar's 
wife should be above suspicion, and perchance Eugene had 
heard something of the reports which were poisoning his 
step-father's existence. 

When near Tunis strange lights were sighted which were 
eventually proved to belong to some English vessels. After 
being becalmed for some days and suffering much anxiety 
as to whether they would escape the enemy or not, a storm 
arose and drove the two frigates upon which General Bona- 
parte and his staff were sailing towards Ajaccio, his native 
town, where they landed and where General Bonaparte re- 
ceived a most enthusiastic welcome. He was now able to 
obtain more definite news concerning affairs in France. 
Although the knowledge that an English squadron was 
cruising about between Toulon and Genoa was not calcu- 
lated to reassure him, he determined, after spending two 

^ Malmaison, Mala Domus, the house with a curse. 

2 Junot, due d'Abrantds (1771-1813): a French general. Napoleon's 
aide-de-camp in Egypt ; received the title of duke after the brilliant victory 
at Abrantes in Portugal. 

F 



82 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

days at Ajaccio, to make for the former seaport. The 
coast of France had just been sighted when a vessel, evi- 
dently English, was seen bearing down upon the two 
frigates. General Bonaparte, convinced that his future 
career depended upon reaching France as soon as possible 
and that he would be ruined if he were taken prisoner at 
this most inopportune moment, assembled all his generals, 
his staff and the captains of the two vessels, and asked their 
opinion as to what he had better do. Captain Gantheaume 
and several of the officers said they thought it would be 
wiser to return to Ajaccio. But General Bonaparte, who 
was not the man to beat a retreat when there was the 
smallest loophole for escape or the slightest chance of 
success, declared his intention to risk capture and to con- 
tinue on his voyage towards Toulon. The English fleet still 
seemed bearing down upon the two fugitive ships ; how- 
ever, night soon fell and put an end to their anxiety by 
enabling them to get away from their pursuers. 

At dawn on the morrow the French vessels, now followed 
by only one English frigate, sailed into the bay of Frejus. A 
cutter was immediately sent ashore to inform the municipal 
authorities of that town that General Bonaparte had arrived. 

" Hardly was this news known," says Eugene, " when the 
inhabitants jumped into all the boats they could muster 
and, heedless of all sanitary precautions, rowed out to meet 
us and escort us to land. Their enthusiasm and cries of 
joy were redoubled when they caught sight of General 
Bonaparte. ' Behold our liberator ! ' cried they. ' Heaven 
has sent him to help us ! ' We were deeply touched by this 
reception. We now learnt into what a state of despair 
France had fallen ; the sight of our General seemed to 
awaken hope and confidence in all hearts ; we were proud 
to serve him who was now returning to France in order to 
release our country from her bondage of misfortune." 

The journey to Paris was a triumphant procession. At 
Lyons, where the young conqueror was welcomed with 
every sign of gratitude and affection, he, unable to curb 
his impatience to see for himself what was happening in 
Paris and at his own fireside, jumped into a post-chaise 
and made the rest of the journey alone except for the com- 
pany of his step-son. 



CHAPTER III 

Eugene obtains pardon for his mother — The i8th Brumaire — Eugene 
enjoys practical jokes — His portrait — His step-father and his mother 
take up their abode at the Tuileries — He pays his second visit to Italy 
— Returns to Paris via Geneva — His first love-affair — He meets an old 
friend from Rome— Third visit to Italy— Eugene is given the rank of 
colonel — Murder of the due d'Enghien. 

MME. BONAPARTE had left La Malmaison and 
started for Lyons on learning that her husband had 
landed at Frejus ; but, instead of taking the route through 
the Bourbonnais which her husband had taken, she, think- 
ing that he would choose his favourite route through Bour- 
gogne, chose the latter and so missed him. This was a 
most unfortunate mistake, for it gave colour to the reports 
which had lately caused her husband so many hours of 
anguish. General Bonaparte drove up to his hotel in the 
rue de la Victoire at six o'clock on the morning of October 
i6th, 1799. His mother and his brothers and sisters were 
there to welcome him, but the one person who should have 
been the first to greet him after an absence of nearly seven- 
teen months was not there. And yet it was no fault of 
hers ; she had acted in perfect good faith when she started 
for Lyons in the hope of forestalling her enemy Louis 
Bonaparte, who she knew was longing to make a quarrel 
between herself and her husband, and who now possessed 
sufficient proofs to develop that quarrel into something 
which she had already begun to dread — a divorce. On 
reaching Paris, whither she hurried back with all possible 
speed, but where she did not arrive until nearly forty-eight 
hours after the general's return, she saw by his face that he 
knew everything. No sooner were they alone together 
when he burst forth into the most bitter reproaches for her 
wicked, heartless conduct during his long absence in Egypt, 

83 



84 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

where he had braved so many dangers in order to win 
fame and fortune for her, his Josephine — alas ! so unworthy 
of his devotion. 

After a brief but terrible interview, General Bonaparte 
rushed out of the room and locked himself into his own 
study. ^ 

We can imagine the grief and disappointment of Eugene 
and Hortense (for Mme, Bonaparte, knowing how the 
general loved his step-children, had taken the precaution 
to fetch Hortense from her boarding-school at Saint 
Germain before starting for Lyons) at this longed-for home- 
coming. And what a home-coming it was ! Their mother, 
in her horror at the consequences of her behaviour, had 
flung herself on the floor outside her husband's door, and 
there she lay sobbing, groaning, begging him in her soft, 
Creole voice to let her come in that " she might explain 
everything and clear herself from his family's wicked and 
utterly unfounded accusations." Her waiting - woman 
having suggested that she should send her children to in- 
tercede for her, she gladly clutched at this last straw and 
told them to endeavour to soften their step-father's heart. 
They obeyed. After knocking two or three times without 
obtaining any answer, Eugene whispered through the door : 
" Hortense and Eugene, your children whom you love so 
dearly, are here. Do not send our mother away ! She will 
die if you do so ! and then what shall we poor children do ? 
The scaffold has already devoured our natural protector : 
must the injustice of mankind deprive us of the protector 
sent by Providence ? " 

At last he consented to open the door. They fell at his 
feet weeping and scarcely daring to look up into that cold, 
stern face. But although they had won the first victory, 
the worst had still to come. General Bonaparte harshly 
announced his intention of divorcing his erring spouse. 
However, he did not intend to let Eugene suffer for his 
mother's folly, and so he told him : 

" As for you, you shall not pay for your mother's sins. 
You shall always be my son, I will keep you with me." 

" No, General," replied Eugene, much to his step-father's 

^ See The Wife of General Bonaparte, by Joseph Turquan. (John 
Lane, 191 1.) 



eug£ne's mother pardoned 85 

surprise ; " no, I must share my mother's cruel fate, and 
so I will bid you farewell," 

With tears in his eyes, General Bonaparte opened his 
arms to his step-son and pressed him to his heart. 

" Fetch your mother ! " said he. 

The battle was won ; the conqueror had been conquered. 

It is strange to think that General Bonaparte, the future 
Emperor who sacrificed thousands of precious human lives 
to his boundless ambition, should have been so easily moved 
by the sorrow of Eugene and Hortense. But did he not in 
after years love to surround himself with his nephews and 
nieces, into whose games he would enter as heartily as any 
of the young Bonapartes ? And was he not the tenderest 
of fathers during the few short years Fate allowed him to 
play that part ? 

When M. CoUot called on the morrow he found that the 
general was apparently reconciled to his wife ; he expressed 
some astonishment at this sudden calm after the storm of 
the previous night. 

" Ah ! yes," said the general, " it is so. Now don't go 
and think that I've forgiven her. . . . That I will never do ! 
.... I hoped that I was mistaken, but she has told me 
everything. ... I refused to see her on my arrival ! . . . 
And there was that great booby Joseph looking on all the 
time ! . . . But what can you expect, Collot ? As she 
was going downstairs crying, I saw Eugene and Hortense 
following her and sobbing bitterly. God did not give me 
a heart to see tears shed without feeling moved myself. 
Eugene was with me in Egypt ; I have grown accustomed 
to consider him as my adopted son ; he is so brave and 
such a good young fellow. ... I must confess, Collot, that 
I was deeply moved ; I could not withstand the sobs and 
tears of those two poor children. I said to myself : ' Is it 
right for them to suffer for their mother's fault ? ' I kept 
Eugene with me ; Hortense followed her mother ; I said 
nothing — what would you have had me say ? . . . After all, 
every man has a weak spot in his heart." 

On Collot assuring him that his step-children would re- 
ward him for his kindness, he replied : 

" They ought to do so, Collot, they ought to do so, for 
it cost me something to forgive her." 



86 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Immediately after his arrival in Paris, General Bonaparte 
hastened to obtain interviews with the most influential 
members of the Directoire. 

Everybody wanted to see the young conqueror, the hero 
of the hour. Not only were his salons in the hotel in the 
rue de la Victoire crowded with visitors of all sorts and 
conditions, but the courtyard and even the streets adjoining 
were filled with inquisitive persons. Eugene says : 

" I was too young at that time and too ignorant of public 
affairs to follow all the details of the circumstances which 
led to the Revolution of the i8th Brumaire ; I was then, 
as I have been throughout my life, occupied with attending 
to my duty without meddling with affairs which did not 
concern me. During the first days of Brumaire General 
Bonaparte had frequent interviews with members of the 
government and of the army. I was so often employed to 
carry letters to and fro that I began to suspect that some 
important event was about to take place. An order which 
we received to hold our horses and fire-arms in readiness 
convinced me that I had guessed aright. One or two nights 
preceding the i8th Brumaire I was sent to General Moreau^ 
and to M. Garat,^ and on the morning of the i8th Brumaire 
General Bonaparte sent me to the Conseil des Anciens^ in 
order to inform that body that he was coming to address 
it. I must confess that I performed this task with all the 
nervousness usually experienced by a young man when 
speaking in public for the first time. General Bonaparte 
soon appeared ; after a long speech, in which he described 
France's unhappy condition and the inefficiency of the 
government, he pointed out the necessity of remedying this 
state of affairs, and concluded by proposing that the Direc- 
toire should be abolished and that the two conseils should 
adjourn to Saint-Cloud. This proposal was adopted by a 
great majority of the members of the Conseil des Anciens, 

1 Moreau, Victor (i 763-1 813) : a general in the Republican Army, 
conspired with Pichegru and Georges Cadoudal against the hfe of the 
First Consul, for which offence he was banished from France. He was 
killed outside Dresden while fighting against his country. 

3 Garat, Joseph (1749-1833) : a well-known French writer, succeeded 
Danton as Minister of Justice in 1792 ; he it was who was chosen to 
announce to Louis XVI the fate which was in store for him. 

^ Conseil des Anciens and Conseil des Cinq Cents, assembhes instituted 
in France by the Constitution of the an III (September 23rd, 1795). i^ 
order to form the legislative power. 



THE " i8th BRUMAIRE " B>y 

nearly all of whom seemed to think like the general. He 
was given command of the troops, with full power to carry 
out the step which had just been decreed. On leaving the 
salle, the General harangued his men and told them that 
they were the sole support of the fatherland ; the soldiers 
received this appeal with much enthusiasm. A detachment, 
under the command of General Moreau, had already been 
sent to the palace of the Luxemburg in order to take pos- 
session of that building and eject the members of the 
Directoire." 

It does not seem very certain whether General Bonaparte 
took his step-son into his confidence concerning what he 
was now going to do or not. Probably he did not do so, 
as he refrained from doing on other occasions, knowing 
that Eugene would do whatever he was told to do, blindly, 
without questioning the why or the wherefore. The comte 
de Lavalette says in his Memoires et Souvenirs : 

" We were so ignorant on the 17th Brumaire of what was 
to happen on the morrow, that I and Eugene spent the 
evening at a ball where he remained until early morning ; 
I left at midnight because I had to resume my duties at 
that hour." 

M. Gohier, one of General Bonaparte's fair-weather 
friends, says that Mme. Bonaparte, in order to prevent 
the president of the Directoire^ having any suspicion of 
what was about to take place, and fearing the opposition 
of that influential man, sent Eugene on the evening of the 
17th Brumaire with an invitation for M. and Mme. Gohier 
to breakfast with her on the morrow, which invitation they 
declined and begged the general and his wife to come and 
breakfast with them instead. 

M^e will now hear what Constant, who was Eugene's valet 
for the space of one month before he entered the service of 
the general, has to say on the matter : 

" A few days prior to the i8th Brumaire, M. Eugene 
ordered me to see about a breakfast -party which he was to 
give on that day to his friends. The guests, all of whom 
were military men, were more numerous than usual. This 
bachelors' feast was enlivened by an officer who began to 

1 Gohier, Jerome (1746-1830) : Minister of Justice, president of the 
Directoire. 



88 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

caricature the manner and walk of the members of the 
Directoire and of some of their confederates. He imitated 
Barras by draping himself with the table-cloth in Greek 
fashion ; he took off his black neckcloth, pulled down his 
shirt-collar, and swaggered up and down the room with his 
left arm leaning on the shoulder of the youngest of his 
comrades, while with his right hand he stroked his chin. 
Everybody recognized the original and the laughter was 
loud and long. He then imitated the abbe Sieyes^ by fasten- 
ing a huge paper frill into his neckcloth and by pulling his 
face out until it looked twice its proper length. He now 
vaulted on his chair and raced round and round the room 
several times, finishing with a grand crash, as if his horse 
had thrown him. In order to understand this pantomime, 
my readers must know that the abbe Sieyes, for some time 
past, had been taking riding-lessons in the gardens of the 
Luxemburg, to the great delight of the promenaders, who 
assembled in crowds to laugh at the rider's stiff and un- 
natural way of bestriding his steed. 

" When the breakfast-party was over, M. Eugene went 
to attend General Bonaparte, to whom he was aide-de- 
camp, while his guests returned to their different head- 
quarters. I followed them, for, from what I had heard 
said in my young master's presence, I was convinced that 
something serious and interesting was about to take place. 
M. Eugene had told his comrades to meet him at the Pont- 
Tournant ; I also went there and found a number of officers, 
mounted and wearing their uniforms, all ready to follow 
General Bonaparte to Saint-Cloud. 

" The commanders of the different regiments had been 
requested by General Bonaparte to invite their officers to 
breakfast, and they had imitated my young master's ex- 
ample. However, all the officers were not in the secret ; 
and even General Murat, who burst into the salle of the 
Ctnq Cents at the head of his grenadiers, thought that 
General Bonaparte only wished to request permission to 
be allowed, notwithstanding his youth, to become a member 
of the Directoire. 

" I have since been informed by somebody who knew all 

about the matter that just as General Jube, one of General 

^ Sieyes, Abbe (1748-1836) : celebrated statesman and one of the three 
consuls after the i8th Brutnaire. 



THE "i8th BRUMAIRE" 89 

Bonaparte's most devoted admirers, was mustering the 
Directeurs guard in the courtyard of the Luxemburg, that 
excellent M. Gohier, president of the Directoire, put his 
head out of a window and cried to Jube : 

" ' Citizen general, what are you doing down there ? ' 
Citizen president,' answered Jube, ' you can see for 
yourself : I am mustering the guard.' 

Oh ! yes, I can see perfectly well, citizen general ; 
but why do you do so ? ' 

" ' Because I am going to inspect the troops, citizen 
president, and because I am to carry out some very im- 
portant manoeuvres. Forward, march ! ' 

" The citizen general then went off at the head of his 
troops in order to rejoin General Bonaparte at Saint-Cloud, 
while the citizen president grumbled at the fact that the 
breakfast to which he had invited General Bonaparte that 
very morning was getting cold." 

With the help of Sieyes, Roger-Ducos, his brother Lucien 
(president of the Conseil des Cinq Cents) and many officers. 
General Bonaparte overthrew the Directoire by the Coup 
d'Etat of the 18th Brumaire, an VIII. By the constitution 
of the an VIII, which was drawn up by Sieyes and 
" modified " by the general to suit his own plans, the 
latter received the title of First Consul for the period of 
ten years- — ^the first step towards the throne. 

" On the morrow of the i8th Brumaire," says Eugene, 
" the troops marched to Saint-Cloud, where the two conseils 
were assembled. All that happened there is well known. 
... At last they came to inform General Bonaparte that 
matters had reached to such a point that his presence was 
indispensable. He immediately went to address the Conseil 
des Cinq Cents. While crossing the courtyard he was sur- 
rounded by groups of very excited soldiers. I got separated 
from him by some grenadiers pressing round him, so I did 
not obtain a good view of the effect produced by his appear- 
ance in the salle. The only thing which struck me was the 
cry of ' Throw him out ! Down with him ! General Bona- 
parte must be outlawed ! ' I myself did not see any daggers 
pointed at him, nevertheless I cannot affirm that the in- 
cident did not occur. 

" General Bonaparte left the salle in a state of great 



90 eug£ne de beauharnais 

excitement ; his features were distorted. The critical 
position in which he found himself at that moment explains 
this condition : he either had to succeed or else perish 
ignominiously on the scaffold. On re-entering the court- 
yard he again harangued the troops with great vehemence 
and gave them orders to clear the hall — which they did. 
The government of the provisional consuls was then estab- 
lished by the Conseil des Anciens and accepted by the 
minority of the Conseil des Cinq Cents who had remained 
at Saint-Cloud. The other members had fled through the 
gardens ; the ground was strewn with the togas, caps and 
scarves which they had lost in their flight. 

" I was sent, towards midnight, to reassure my mother 
and to give her an account of the day's events. 

" The new government having been proclaimed, we now 
took up our abode at the Petit Luxembourg." 

A change was about to come in Eugene's life, a very un- 
welcome change to a young man anxious to win laurels for 
himself, for he now had to spend the greater part of his 
time in the ante-rooms of the palace of the Petit Luxem- 
bourg with gentlemen-ushers and the petitioners and visitors 
of all sorts who desired to obtain audiences of the First 
Consul as his fellow-prisoners. It is said that no man is a 
hero to his valet, and yet Constant draws a most flattering 
portrait of Eugene as he was at that time. 

" I do not think," says he, " that a more polite, more 
thoughtful and more refined young man than Eugene ever 
existed. ... I was delighted to be his valet ; I know 
not why, but the idea was peculiarly pleasant to me. . . . 
General Bonaparte never ceased to love M. Eugene as if he 
were his own son. Eugene had many sterling good quali- 
ties. His features were not handsome and yet his expres- 
sion was very pleasing. He had a good figure, although he 
did not hold himself well, owing to an ugly trick he had 
of twisting his body about as he walked. He was about 
five feet three or four inches tall. He was kind-hearted, 
cheerful, amiable, very witty and generous ; we can safely 
say that he bore his character in his face. How many 
kind deeds did he not accomplish during his life, and espe- 
cially at a time when he was very badly off for money ? 
I well remember that, although he always scrupulously 



PRACTICAL JOKES 91 

fulfilled his duty towards his mother and his step-father, 
he was much given to the pleasures natural at his age and 
in his position. One of his favourite pastimes was to give 
breakfast-parties to his friends, which he did very often, 
and which I myself keenly enjoyed on account of the 
comical scenes witnessed by me. Besides the young mili- 
tary men belonging to Bonaparte's staff — ^his most assiduous 
guests — he often invited the ventriloquist Thiemet, the 
actors Dugazon, Dazincourt and Michau from the Theatre 
Frangais, and other persons whose names I now forget. 
As my readers can easily imagine, these breakfast-parties 
were very lively ; the young officers, in especial, who, like 
Eugene, had just returned from the Egyptian campaign, 
asked nothing better than to be allowed to make up for 
lost time. Ventriloquy was the fashion in Paris at that 
time ; there was usually a ventriloquist at every party. 
Thiemet was considered one of the best. I remember how 
one day at one of Eugene's breakfast -parties Thiemet called 
by their names several persons then present, imitating the 
voices of their servants as if the latter were outside ; he 
himself sat quietly in his place, eating and drinking, two 
feats at which he excelled. The officers, on hearing their 
names called, went downstairs, but of course found nobody ; 
then Thiemet, with feigned civility, also went downstairs, 
on pretext of helping them search, and so prolonged the 
joke by imitating some familiar street-cry. Most of the 
victims laughed heartily at the hoax ; one gentleman, how- 
ever, less good-natured than his fellow-guests, took the joke 
in a very different spirit and became quite angry until he 
heard that Eugene was the instigator. 

" I remember another amusing scene in which the prin- 
cipal roles were filled by this same Thiemet and by the 
actor Dugazon. Eugene had invited several strangers ; the 
roles had been distributed and leanit beforehand, and the 
two victims chosen. When all the guests were seated at 
table, Dugazon, imitating a man afflicted with an impedi- 
ment in his speech, addressed Thiemet, who likewise pre- 
tended to be similarly affected ; they accused each other 
of making fun of each other and nearly became inarticulate 
in their feigned indignation. Thiemet, pretending to be 
deaf as well as afflicted with an impediment in his speech, 



92 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

said, sticking his ear-trumpet into his neighbour's face : 
' Wha — wha — what's the fellow talking about ? ' ' Nothing,' 
replied his neighbour, hoping to prevent a dispute. ' Oh ! 
bu — bu — but he's mocking me ! ' The quarrel became more 
heated ; the two stammerers each seized a water-bottle, 
which they were proceeding to pitch at each other when 
their neighbours emptied the contents over the antagonists. 
The stammerers continued to scream as only deaf men can 
scream, until the last drop of water had fallen. I well re- 
member that Eugene, the author of this practical joke, 
laughed until the tears ran down his face. The two antago- 
nists were then wiped down. . . . Whenever Eugene had 
indulged in a hoax of this sort, he never omitted to tell his 
mother all about it ; he even told his step-father some- 
times, for the latter keenly enjoyed hearing of his little 
jokes. . . ." 

Eugene's practical jokes were not always in very good 
taste, perhaps ; but we must remember that he had had a 
strange education, and that, with the exception of the 
maxims of honour and courage learnt at his father's knee, 
poor Eugene had seen but few examples of what a gentle- 
man should be. Mme. de Beauharnais was not the sort of 
person to influence anybody for good, much less her chil- 
dren, whom she seems to have found in the way on more 
than one occasion during her brief widowhood. Her lack 
of truthfulness — did not her own daughter say that she 
could not believe her mother ? — her incapacity to judge 
between right and wrong, ought to have had a very bad 
effect upon her son ; luckily they did not. The question 
of heredity is often a complicated one : from whom did 
Eugene inherit those good qualities for which his step- 
father had learnt to prize him and which caused the fallen 
Emperor to say, when expiating his criminal indifference 
to the value of human life : " Eugene has never caused me 
a moment's sorrow " ? 

Perhaps those few years spent with his father counted 
for something in his character, but we are more inclined to 
think that Eugene was the maker of his own fortunes. 

Mme. de Remusat said of him : 

" Eugene's expression is not wanting in charm. He has 
an elegant figure ; he inherits his agility from his father. 



HIS PORTRAIT 93 

a member of the old nobility. Simplicity and good nature 
are united to these advantages ; he is neither vain nor 
presumptuous, and he is truthful without indiscretion ; he 
knows how to keep silent when necessary ; he is neither 
naturally witty nor imaginative, and he is not particularly 
affectionate. He was always obedient to his step-father ; 
and although he had no illusions concerning that person's 
character, he never swerved in his fidelity to him, though 
he often had to suffer for it. He was never heard to give 
way to resentment." 

One of General Bonaparte's first acts on taking up his 
abode at the Petit Luxembourg was to provide himself 
with a consular guard, which body Eugene begged to be 
allowed to join. Although Eugene, as we have already 
seen, liked to amuse himself at times — after all, he was 
still so young, only twenty years of age — he could not bear 
to remain inactive. But Eugene was not the only member 
of the consular guard who knew the truth of the saying : 
" All play and no work makes Jack a dull boy." 

Mme. d'Abrantes, that wonderful lady whose eighteen 
volumes of memoirs contain all the tittle-tattle of the con- 
sular days, the Empire and the Restoration, says of 
Eugene and of his friend, Lannes i^ 

" Lannes was a colonel in the regiment des guides, that is 
to say in the consular guard, together with Eugene Beau- 
harnais ; they lodged in the same house, and it was said 
that they were both equally fond of the pleasures to which 
young men are usually addicted. . . . 

" Eugene was still scarcely more than a boy, but he 
already showed signs of what he became later : a charming, 
amiable and handsome youth, with the exception of his 
teeth, which, like those of his mother, were dreadful. His 
whole person presented a very pleasing and elegant appear- 
ance, and he possessed one great charm in that his manners 
were easy and excessively refined. Although he was as 
fond of laughter as a child, he never smiled at anything 
unseemly. He was amiable, gracious, polite without being 
obsequious, and very fond of banter without being im- 
pertinent — a talent seldom seen nowadays, let me add. 

^ Lannes, due de Montebello (i 769-1 809) : marshal of France and one of 
her bravest soldiers ; he was killed at the Battle of Essling. 



94 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

He was a very good actor, sang charmingly, danced as well 
as his father had danced, and was altogether a very nice 
young man. He quite won my mother's heart, but then 
I think he wished to please her ; he certainly succeeded, to 
perfection." 

The palace of the Petit Luxembourg soon became too 
small for the eagle whose wings were now growing rapidly, 
who was so soon to fly over the whole Continent ; before 
many weeks had elapsed, the First Consul had planned 
that triumphant procession to the Tuileries, the now tenant- 
less abode of the dynasty to which he was so anxious to 
succeed. But first of all he determined to conclude the 
marriage of his sister Caroline, whose hand was being sought 
by two of his bravest generals, Lannes and Murat.^ Before 
making his decision, he called a family council, and Eugene 
and Hortense were asked, among others, to express their 
opinion concerning the matter. Murat, backed by Mme. 
Bonaparte and Eugene and Hortense, who followed her 
suit in this as in many other matters, won the day. 

And now, in February, 1800, the First Consul, after re- 
viewing his troops in the cour du Carrousel, when Eugene, 
as commander of the regiment des guides, was particularly 
admired for his martial bearing, entered the Tuileries as 
the new lord and master. Mme. Bonaparte was anxious 
to profit by her splendid position as wife of the First Consul. 
Her receptions were modelled upon those given at the Court 
of Louis XVI, to which, it is true, she had never been 
invited, but of which she had heard enough to wish to 
imitate as closely as possible — and she succeeded, thanks 
to the presence and goodwill of those survivors of the 
Revolution who, as emigres, beaten but in no wise subdued, 
were returning in shoals to their old haunts. 

Mme. d'Abrantes gives us a glimpse of one of those re- 
ceptions which often ended in an impromptu ball, when 

1 Murat, Joachim : a French general who, for his valuable help during 
the stormy days of the 13th Vendimiaire and the i8th Bniniaire, received 
the hand of Caroline, the First Consul's sister, in marriage. He was made 
marshal of France in 1804, king of Naples in 1808, and contrived to keep 
his throne in 181 4. Having repented of his treacherous conduct towards 
his brother-in-law, he joined the latter on his return from Elba ; he was 
defeated by the Austrians at Tolentino, on which occasion he lost both 
army and throne. He then took refuge in Corsica. While endeavouring 
to recover his throne, he was captured, and condemned to be shot. He 
died very bravely (October 13th, 181 5). 



AT THE TUILERIES 95 

she would dance that new-fangled waltz which was begin- 
ning to be all the rage (notwithstanding the fact that some 
strait-laced people called it improper and disgusting) with 
her hostess's son : 

" At that moment the folding-doors of Mme. Bonaparte's 
apartment were thrown open and somebody ran quickly 
downstairs : it was Eugene de Beauharnais. His mother 
had sent him to fetch me when she heard my carriage enter 
the courtyard. , . . M. de Beauharnais gave me his hand 
and then we entered the salon decorated with yellow hang- 
ings which we, the women of the old days, knew so well. 
. . . The room was so dark, owing to the fact that it was 
only lighted by two candelabras of wax candles placed on 
the mantelpiece, and I was so overcome with shyness on 
entering this huge room, that I could see nothing. But I 
soon recovered my composure, thanks to Eugene de Beau- 
harnais, who whispered a few kind words of encouragement 
and squeezed my arm in his, for it was not the fashion 
in those days for gentlemen to lead their partners by 
the hand. ' Don't be afraid,' said he, ' my mother 
and my sister are so kind ! ' These words quite reassured 
me." 

Mme. d'Abrantes then goes on to tell us of the tender 
affection which existed between Eugene and his sister, an 
affection which neither time, nor absence, nor good nor bad 
fortune could lessen. It was during the winter of 1799- 
1800 that Hortense painted a portrait of that beloved 
brother of whom she said in after years that " Eugene was 
the only person who made Kfe worth living." This portrait 
was destroyed in a fire, first thought to be the work of an 
incendiary, but afterwards proved to be caused by a de- 
fective flue in the heating apparatus at the Tuileries. 

In the month of May, 1800, Eugene received orders from 
his step-father, who had now returned to his proper sphere, 
the armee d'ltalie, to join that army and to cross the Alps. 
The route chosen was by the Mont Saint-Bernard. As was 
his custom to do at times, the First Consul travelled post, 
which obliged his troops to make long and very fatiguing 
marches in order to keep up with him. Several soldiers, 
although very tired, determined, on reaching the summit 
of the pass, to slide down into Italy ; whereupon Eugene, 



96 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

always ready to enter into any fun, joined his comrades 
in arms and enjoyed the swift rush through the mountain 
air as much as the youngest of them. 

Eugene took part in the battles of Buffalora and Marengo, 
when Murat distinguished himself by his bravery. It was 
at Marengo that Eugene was fortunate enough to wrest a 
few words of praise from his step-father, one of the most 
difficult men to please that ever existed. But then the 
First Consul had served in the army of the RepubHc, that 
army which owed much of its success to the fact that the 
guillotine was the reward of those who were backward in 
attacking the enemy or unsuccessful in their attacks. 
Eugene helped, by his repeated charges, to drive the Italian 
troops back into Milan. He narrowly escaped being 
wounded, for his shabrack was cut in several places. 

As a reward for his bravery, Eugene was made commander 
of his squadron on the battle-field. Speaking of this battle, 
he says : 

" My little band of soldiers had suffered rather severely, 
for of the one hundred and fifteen horses I possessed in the 
morning only forty-five remained to me by nightfall ; it 
is true that a picket of fifteen light horse had remained 
close to the First Consul, and that many of my men re- 
turned later in the evening either slightly wounded or 
having lost their mounts." 

Eugene was not only brave, but, what is better, he was 
merciful. During a charge made by the enemy, one of 
their number fell wounded from his horse just in front of 
Eugene's men who were galloping towards him ; the un- 
fortunate man thought his last hour had come and held 
out his hands imploringly towards Eugene, who perceived 
him lying upon the battle-field ; whereupon the command, 
" Open ranks ! " rang out short and sharp on the evening 
air, and his soldiers, with clinking lance and clashing hoof, 
parted and rushed by, leaving the wounded trooper lying 
on the ground where he had fallen. 

To Eugene was now confided a very pleasant task — that 
of carrying the flags won at Marengo to Paris, where they 
were to be hung up in the chapel of the Invalides, side by 
side with those other glorious rags which some have held 
dearer than life. He chose the Petit Saint-Bernard route, 



RETURNS TO PARIS 97 

as he wished to pass through Geneva, where certain neces- 
sary repairs to armour and harness had to be attended to. 
While in that town a banquet was given in his honour. As 
Mme. de StaeP was the most important personage in 
Geneva at that time, she was invited to preside ; she was 
in her element at such times, and, as usual, she had some 
verses all ready for the occasion in which she sang the 
praises of the French army and its chief, whose favour she 
was now extremely anxious to obtain. On taking their 
places, each guest found under his plate a miniature laurel- 
wreath with appropriate verses from the pen of this fountain 
of tedious eloquence. 

Eugene reached Paris on July 14th ; he bore his precious 
burden of flag§ to the Invalides and then proceeded with 
his troops to the Champ de Mars, where the National Fete 
was being celebrated ; perhaps he was reminded on this 
day of a visit which he had once paid with his father, soon 
after the baptism of the Champ de Mars. Eugene speaks 
of this day a^s one of the happiest days in his life ; at the 
sight of the brave soldiers with their haggard, sunburnt 
faces, still wearing their blood-stained, ragged uniforms, 
and covered with sweat and dust, the populace roared, 
howled, shrieked its enthusiasm for the heroes of Marengo. 
And Eugene came in for his share of glory. Had not his 
step-father, whose praise he valued more than anything on 
earth, written to his mother on the night after that battle : 

" Madame, your son is making rapid strides on the road 
to immortality. He has covered himself with glory in all 
the battles in Italy ; he will become one of the greatest 
soldiers in Europe." 

What greater praise or reward could he have ? 

The next few months were spent by Eugene either in 
Paris or at La Malmaison, where the Bonapartes and the 
Beauharnais led as peaceful a life as it was in their nature 
to do. Constant paints a pleasant picture of those days : 

" General Bonaparte was very fond of playing at prisoners' 
base with his officers. In this game the fastest runners were 
M. Eugene, M. Isabey^ and Mile. Hortense. . . . Little 

^ Mme. de Stael (1766-1817) : baronne de Stael-Holstein, the queen of 
blue stockings. 

^ Isabey, Jean-Baptiste (1767-1855) : a celebrated French painter who 
excelled in the art of miniature-painting. 



98 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

plays were often acted at La Malmaison ; the troupe con- 
sisted of MM. Eugene, Jerome (Bonaparte), Lauriston and 
Mme. Caroline Murat, Mile. Hortense and the Miles. Auguie. 
I once saw Les Fausses Consultations played by them. Mile. 
Hortense and M. Eugene acted splendidly, and I can still 
remember that Mile. Hortense, who, as ' Mme. Leblanc,' had 
to play the part of an old lady, looked prettier than ever. 
M. Eugene took the part of ' M. Lenoir,' and M. Lauriston 
that of the 'Charlatan.' " 

During one of these pleasant sojourns at La Malmaison 
the celebrated miniature-painter Isabey, who was as fond 
of practical jokes as Eugene, made a terrible mistake and 
nearly got himself into the First Consul's black books. One 
evening Isabey was sauntering along a dark corridor when 
he caught sight of his friend Eugene — as he thought — 
standing with his back towards him. Now Isabey, who was 
very agile, was particularly fond of playing leap-frog. 
Creeping softly up behind the supposed Eugene, he gave 
one spring and landed upon the shoulders of the person 
whom he least expected to find in the corridor. The First 
Consul, for it was he, much disgusted at this unheard-of 
familiarity, flung his strange burden on the floor, stamped 
his foot and said in his most severe voice : 

" What is the meaning of this folly ? " 

" I thought it was Eugene," stammered the unhappy 
artist, nearly speechless in his confusion and horror at this 
veritable faux-pas. 

" Well, and supposing it had been Eugene," retorted the 
First Consul, " does that fact excuse you for trying to 
break his neck ? " 

And he walked off with a frown of displeasure on his 
pale, thin face. 

The First Consul cannot have been an easy person to 
live with ; he allowed no joking in his immediate entourage, 
although he liked a good story and would often ask his 
step-son to tell him how he had been amusing himself with 
his companions. He also hated spending much time over 
his meals ; indeed, fifteen minutes were considered plenty 
of time in which to eat the most elaborate dinner. But 
this is not to be wondered at ; a man who had so many 
things to attend to, so many questions to decide, who, 



HIS FIRST LOVE AFFAIR 99 

knowing the truth of the adage, wished to do everything 
himself, who arranged everything — even such unimportant 
matters as to what his wife should or should not wear — 
could not spare time to sit through long meals. Eugene 
was young in those days, the palmy days of the Consulate, 
Napoleon's Blutezeit ; he was blessed with a healthy appe- 
tite, so he took care to have a good meal before dining 
with his step-father, as he frequently did. For some time 
General Bonaparte did not remark the smallness of his step- 
son's appetite. At last, one day the First Consul asked 
Eugene to dine alone with him ; hardly had five minutes 
elapsed when the First Consul, having swallowed some soup 
and a few mouthfuls of meat, flung his napkin on the table 
and pushed his chair back preparatory to leaving the room. 
On noticing that Eugene had imitated his example, he said : 

" Don't hurry ; you haven't had time to eat your dinner." 

" Excuse me, I have had plenty," replied his step-son. 

" Are you not hungry to-day ? " asked the First Consul, 
remembering Eugene's excellent appetite in Egypt and in 
Italy. 

" I dined before I came here," said Eugene. 

" Oh ! then that alters the case. Come along with me." 

It was about this time that Eugene had his first love- 
affair. Mile. Chameroi, the celebrated actress who died 
young and whose remains were denied admittance to the 
church of Saint-Roch, was the heroine of an adventure 
which luckily developed into nothing more serious than a 
passing flirtation between an ambitious woman and a rather 
sentimental and very inexperienced young man going 
through the throes of calf-love. 

Many conspiracies had lately been made to assassinate 
the First Consul. It was during the autumn of 1800 that 
Eugene assisted at the arrest of two conspirators. We 
quote from his memoirs : 

" One day after dining with Bessieres^ I went with him 
to attend the First Consul, who was going to the Opera that 

^ Bessieres, Jean Baptiste (1768-1813) : began life as a member of the 
constitutional guard of Louis XVI, served under Bonaparte during the 
Egyptian and Italian campaigns, and helped to make the victory of 
Marengo more complete ; took part in the battles of Austerlitz, Jena, 
Eylau, Friedland ; went to Spain in 1808 and there won for himself the 
title of due d'Istrie. He was killed during a skirmish which preceded the 
Battle of Lutzen. 



100 eug£ne de beauharnais 

evening. When we arrived I found that my mother had 
left the drawing-room in order to dress. The First Consul 
came up to us and, with a smile on his face, said to us in 
the calmest manner possible : 

" ' Well, have you heard that they intend to assassinate 
me at the Opera to-night ? ' 

" We both exclaimed with horror, and expressed our 
astonishment that he still persisted in going to the Opera ; 
but he told us not to be alarmed, and assured us that the 
police had taken measures to prevent any attempt upon 
his life ; he then told Bessieres to do what he considered 
necessary for his safety. Bessieres, who commanded the 
cavalry regiment of the consular guard, ordered me to go 
to the Opera-house with a picket of light infantry and to 
take proper precautions that all passed off quietly. On 
reaching that building, I ordered half my men to hold 
themselves in readiness, while I made the others accom- 
pany me. I then entered the house, preceding the First 
Consul by about fifty paces, being myself preceded by my 
men, so that the crowd both inside and outside the Opera- 
house might think that I was the First Consul. I ordered 
my men to halt and to draw up in two lines ; I myself 
stood on one side while the First Consul quietly passed 
between the double line of soldiers and entered his box. 
At that very moment the conspirators, Arena, a native of 
Corsica, and Ceracchi, a Roman, were arrested in another 
part of the house ; pistols and daggers were found upon 
their persons. They were tried, condemned and executed " 
(January 30th, 1801.) 

It may be remembered that Eugene had already had 
dealings with Ceracchi while in Rome when that individual 
took refuge in the French Embassy from the Papal guards. 

Matters in Italy were still very unsettled ; war seemed 
likely to break out again at any moment. For the third 
time our hero received orders to start for that country, 
which he did in December, 1800 ; but he never got as far 
as Italy, for, on reaching Saint Jean de Maurienne, he was 
told to go no further. " Here," says he, " I spent the winter 
and carnival-time very sadly." 

While waiting for further orders, Eugene learnt of another 
plot against the life of the First Consul, that of the infernal 



GIVEN THE RANK OF COLONEL loi 

machine of the 3rd nivose, an IX, which so nearly cut short 
the embryo Emperor's career. This infernal machine, 
which exploded in the rue Nicaise, Paris, only a few minutes 
after the First Consul had driven by, consisted of a cask 
filled with nails, scraps of old iron and gunpowder. Forty- 
six houses were damaged, eight persons killed and eighteen 
badly injured by this explosion. For this attempt upon his 
life, the First Consul, under the impression that the plot 
was the work of the Republican party, had one hundred and 
thirty-three persons deported without a trial. It was 
afterwards proved that the Royalists were responsible for 
the whole affair. 

Eugene soon after received orders to return to Paris, 
whither he was heartily glad to wend his way. 

The next few months passed for Eugene without any 
particular event. The treaty of Luneville, concluded in 
1801, was followed by that of Amiens in 1802, when the 
First Consul was made consul for life— the second step to- 
wards the throne and the absolute power which he was 
striving every nerve to obtain. The year 1801 also saw 
peace concluded with Pius VII, ^ which may be termed the 
third step towards the goal of his ambition. In 1802 Eugene 
was raised to the rank of colonel, a step which did not meet 
with the approval of many of his brother officers. His 
pleasure at this promotion was somewhat spoilt by one of 
those blunt remarks for which General Bonaparte was 
rightly dreaded, uttered in the presence of several generals : 

" You will never be anything but a colonel, Eugene. You 
have not got the stuff in you to make a general." 

Nevertheless Eugene, on the occasion of some important 
military manoeuvres which he helped to carry out most 
successfully outside Mayence in the presence of a number of 
German princelings and generals, was made brigadier-general. 

In this same year Eugene's sister, Hortense, was married, 

much against her will, to Louis Bonaparte — an unhappy 

marriage if there ever was one — while France was invaded 

by that match-making lady, Sarah, duchess of Gordon, 

who, having got four of her daughters off her hands, came 

to see what titled foreigner, with or without a fortune, she 

could pick up for her youngest girl, Georgiana. She chose 

^ Pius VII (1800-23) : signed the famous concordat, and came to Paris 
to anoint Napoleon Emperor of the French, 



102 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Eugene de Beauhamais, whom, as step-son to the First 
Consul and a member of the petite noblesse of France, she 
considered a sufficiently brilliant parti for a fifth daughter. 
Now although she was ready to accept Eugene as her son- 
in-law, the First Consul had other views, and was determined 
not to accept her daughter as his step-son's wife. He had 
already begun to dream those fatal dreams of royal alliances 
for his family ; so Lady Georgiana had to return to her 
native land without a husband ; however, as she married 
the duke of Bedford^ in the following year, we may be 
allowed to suppose that she shed no tears over her mother's 
disappointment. 

Eugene was meanwhile engaged in his most serious love-- 
affair, a flirtation with no less an experienced person than 
Mme. Recamier. It was an easy matter for this woman 
of many conquests to make poor Eugene believe that she 
had met her master. She drew him on and on until he 
actually had the audacity to take a ring from her beautiful 
hand as a souvenir. But souvent fenime varie. Mme. 
Recamier had allowed him to take this pledge of her friend- 
ship for him ; so he was much astonished when he re- 
ceived a letter from her telling him to return the ring. 
Well might he have written with that ring the famous 
distich of Frangois I, whose name he mentioned in his 
written prayer to be allowed to keep the precious souvenir, 
a prayer which shows how she had deceived him : 

" I have been cruelly mistaken," wrote he ; " I may be 
allowed to complain ; may my complaint be heard by you ! 
Be so kind as to soften the lot of him who is so sincerely 
devoted to you." 

But Mme. Recamier's heart was not likely to be touched 
by such a request. 

It was probably during the following year (1803), while 
the First Consul and his wife were at Saint-Cloud, that 
Archambault de Perigord, Talleyrand's^ brother, refused 
to give his daughter in marriage to Eugene. It is more 

1 John, sixth Duke of Bedford : married as his first wife, in 1786, Georgina 
Elizabeth, second daughter of George, fourth Viscount Torrington ; she 
died in 1801, leaving three sons. In 1803 he married Georgiana, fifth 
daughter of Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon ; she died at Nice in 
February, 1853, leaving seven sons and three daughters. 

2 Talleyrand-Pengord (1754-1838) : revolutionist, bishop of Autun, 
minister and traitor to his Emperor. 



DISCOVERY OF ANOTHER PLOT 103 

than probable that this project was the joint composition 
of Mme. Bonaparte and Talleyrand, both of whom were 
much given to " arranging " marriages. Archambault 
de Perigord had been exiled for having uttered some 
rather too plain-spoken remarks concerning the First Consul 
and other less influential persons ; his refusal to marry 
his daughter to Eugene and his conduct in choosing as 
her husband comte Juste de Noailles gave great offence. 
We can easily imagine with what disgust Talleyrand heard 
of this decision ; he and Mme. Bonaparte were able to 
sympathize with each other in this matter, for the erstwhile 
Bishop of Autun was astute enough to see what was coming, 
and he wished to have a niece (if no nearer relative) on the 
spot to share the good fortunes of the Beauharnais, and 
perhaps throw a few crumbs of the cake to the kind uncle 
who had placed it within her reach. 

We do not know Eugene's opinion upon the matter ; but 
we can be sure that the young soldier, whose time was 
nearly wholly taken up by his military duties in those days, 
was not particularly anxious to become related by marriage 
to the prince of intrigue. The future held better things in 
store for him, as we shall see. 

Mme. de Remusat assures us that Eugene, who had re- 
mained " a frank, honest, lively, open-hearted creature, 
was absolutely devoid of all ambition, and refused to have 
anything to do with intrigues or intriguers, did his duty 
in that walk of life in which his step-father had placed him, 
disarmed calumny — which was powerless to sully his fair 
name — and never meddled with anything which went on 
at the Tuileries." 

The month of March, 1804, saw the discovery of another 
plot, that of Pichegru^ and Cadoudal,^ to get rid of the 
First Consul, whose foot was now firmly placed on the steps 
of the throne. Eugene was ordered to keep the gates of 
Paris with his regiment and to guard the outer boulevards : 
for three or four days Eugene and his men were on duty 
day and night, and, thanks to his vigilance, not a single 

^ Pichegru : a French general, commanded the arniees de la Moselle and 
du Rhin ; conquered Holland in 1795, then turned traitor to the Directoire 
and was exiled from France (1798) ; he returned in 1804 with Georges Ca- 
doudal, was captured and imprisoned ; he committed suicide while in prison. 

2 Cadoudal, Georges : plotted against Bonaparte and perished on the 
scafiold in 1804. 



104 eug£ne de beauharnais 

conspirator escaped from Paris. General Moreau, Pichegru, 
Cadoudal, MM. de Polignac/ de Riviere and d'Hozier were 
arrested and tried. After the trial, which took place in the 
following June, the relatives of the condemned men flocked 
to Saint-Cloud with a petition for mercy and Mme. Bonaparte, 
whose Royalist tendencies were an open secret, was besought 
to intercede for the prisoners, which she did most successfully. 

The arrest, trial and murder of the due d'Enghien^ fol- 
lowed with such fearful rapidity that the friends of Napo- 
leon's first and most innocent victim were unable to do 
anything to rescue him. We can only say in excuse of the 
First Consul's severity that he honestly believed that the 
Fouche^ and Talleyrand done everything they could to 
due d'Enghien had been in league with Cadoudal — had not 
make him believe this report, the truth of which has never 
been proved ? — but does this fact excuse the inhuman 
treatment to which the young man was subjected ? Sen- 
tence of death was passed when he was arrested ; and his 
grave in the moat of Vincennes was dug before his judges 
assembled to hold that mock trial. Even the last request 
of the last of the Condes, a harmless wish that he might be 
allowed to see a priest before being led out to execution, 
was denied. 

Let us now hear what Eugene has to say about this crime, 
perhaps the first step on the downward path to Saint Helena. 

" As for the unfortunate affair of the due d'Enghien, 
without entering into the question of politics, by which the 
deplorable deed alone can be explained, I will content 
myself with saying that, on reaching La Malmaison on the 
morrow, I learnt of the arrest, trial and execution of that 

1 Polignac, Armand, comte de (1771-1847) : emigrated to Russia, re- 
turned to Paris in 1803, was implicated in the Pichegru-Cadoudal con- 
spiracy, arrested, condemned to death, and saved, thanks to Josephine's 
intervention. When imprisoned at Ham, in 1813, he managed to escape, 
and in the following year was made aide-de-camp to the comte d'Artois, 
with whom he returned to France for the second time. He was elected 
as a deputy in 1815, and made pair de France in 1817 ; he retired from 
political hfe in 1830. 

* d'Enghien, Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon-Conde, due (1772- 
1804) : this prince emigrated and, in 1792, took up arms against the 
French Republic ; when hving in retirement at Ettenheim, near Baden, 
he was arrested, brought to Vincennes, judged by court-martial and con- 
demned to death as a conspirator. 

' Fouchi, Joseph (1753-1820), due d'Otrante by the will of Napoleon, 
was made Minister of Police in 1798, exiled by the Restoration ; he 
died at Trieste. 



MURDER OF THE DUG D'ENGHIEN 105 

prince. My mother was dissolved in tears, and reproached 
the First Consul most bitterly ; he listened in silence. She 
told him that he would never be able to wash his hands 
of this atrocious crime, that he had yielded to the per- 
fidious advice of his enemies, who were delighted to be able 
to stain the history of his life with this horrible page. The 
First Consul withdrew to his study, and Caulaincourt ^ 
arrived from Strasburg shortly after. My mother's grief 
surprised him ; she hastened to tell him the cause. At the 
fatal news, Caulaincourt struck his forehead and tore his hair, 
crying : ' Ah ! why was I mixed up in this tragic affair ? ' 

" Twenty years have elapsed since that event, but I still 
remember that several persons who to-day try to make 
out that they had no share in the matter then boasted of 
the part they had played — as if they had done a very fine 
thing — and highly approved of the whole affair. As for me, 
I was deeply grieved on account of my respect and affection 
for the First Consul ; it seemed to me as if this deed had 
tarnished his fame. My mother told me a few days later 
that she had been lucky enough to be able to send the lady 
to whom the prince was attached his dog and some objects 
which had once belonged to him." 

The lady mentioned by Eugene was the princesse Char- 
lotte de Rohan-Rochefort, the duke's cousin, and the story 
of the secret marriage of these two young creatures is 
pathetically related by Jacques de La Faye in her book, 
Charlotte de Rohan et le due d'Enghien. She, however, 
informs us that it was not Mme. Bonaparte but Signora 
Letizia, her mother-in-law, who carried out the duke's last 
request and saw that his widow got what was meant for 
her. She also tells us the sad story of the duke's dog, a 
worthy congenere of the ugly but faithful Fortune whose 
acquaintance we have already made, of Barri, the king of 
dogs, whose remains were preserved by the grateful monks, 
and can still be seen occupying a post of honour in the 
museum at Berne, and of Ulysses' friend who died of joy 
on seeing his master again. But the Empire was about to 
become a magnificent reality ; the due d'Enghien was soon 
to be forgotten. 

^ Caulaincourt, Louis de (i 773-1 827) : due de Vicence, a French general, 
and the author of some very interesting memoirs concerning the days of 
the Empire. 



CHAPTER IV 

Napoleon becomes Emperor of the French — Eugene accompanies his 
step-father and his mother to Aix-la-Chapelle — He refuses to abandon 
his mother — The Emperor is crowned — Eugene falls in love for the 
third time — -He is sent to Italy for the fourth time — He is made a 
prince of the French Empire- — -Napoleon on being crowned in Italy 
makes Eugene viceroy of that country — -Uneasy lies the head which 
wears a crown — He incurs his step-father's anger. 

ON May i8th, 1804, the members of the Senate drove 
in state to Saint-Cloud and proclaimed the First 
Consul, Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of the French. 

The success of Napoleon's plans resulted in endless 
struggles on the part of his brothers and sisters to obtain 
titles and kingdoms for themselves. Mme. de Remusat, an 
eye-witness of these unseemly struggles, says : 

" Although Bonaparte had good reason to complain of 
his brothers' conduct, Mme. Bonaparte always came in for 
praise because her invariably sweet disposition had a 
wonderfully soothing effect upon the irritated Consul. She 
never tried to obtain promises from him, either for herself 
or for her children ; and the trust she showed in his affec- 
tion for Eugene and in the latter's reserve, in such contrast 
with the pretensions of the Bonapartes, could only astonish 
him and afford him much pleasure." 

There were two persons whom the Emperor really loved 
at that time, and well did they return his affection. Did 
he not say of them : 

" My son Eugene and Junot ! . . . Ah ! yes, there are 
two men who really love me ? " 

Fete after fete now took place, not only in Paris, but in 
the provinces ; the Emperor and Empress had the pleasure 
of witnessing many magnificent spectacles which, however, 
made one or two clear-sighted men shake their heads, while 
others muttered curses upon the renegade. 

106 



NAPOLEON BECOMES EMPEROR 107 

Eugene accompanied his step-father and his mother on 
their journey to Aix-la-Chapelle and along the banks of 
the Rhine. While at Aix-la-Chapelle he was introduced, 
on August 28th, 1804, to Princess Elisabeth of Bavaria, 
the sister of the excellent creature whom fate later gave to 
him to be the perfect helpmate on his journey through life. 

Constant gives an account of the meeting : 

" The Princess Elisabeth is not handsome, but I think 
she would look prettier if she were better dressed. She has 
nice manners and is very talkative ; so talkative, in fact, 
was she that she quite scandalized Napoleon. She was 
seated at dinner between the Emperor and Eugene de Beau- 
harnais ; accustomed to the little Court of her father, the 
Elector of Bavaria, she was naturally at her ease with 
Bonaparte. . . . Eugene, who has such perfect manners, 
was seated on the other side of the Princess ; he behaved 
as he always does, and was most polite." 

The enthusiasm of the French nation for their new 
Emperor manifested itself in gifts of all sorts. The Lyons 
silk manufacturers, out of gratitude for his interest in their 
welfare, presented him with a magnificent red silk coat 
embroidered in gold and nearly covered with oak, olive and 
laurel branches, symbolic of his victories and of the peace 
which France — and two or three other nations — hoped was 
in store for her. Although Eugene on seeing the Emperor 
clad in this splendid garment for the first time remarked 
in an undertone that it was only fit for a mountebank. 
Napoleon continued to wear it on State occasions ; it hence- 
forth went by the name of the hahit de Lyon. 

It was in little things, in matters of no apparent im- 
portance, that the Emperor showed his marvellous talent 
for governing. Nothing was too insignificant in the eyes 
of the man who had risen from nothing to everything, 
thanks to his own efforts. The coronation, which Napoleon 
intended to be one of the most magnificent ceremonies ever 
witnessed, was finally fixed for December 3rd, 1804. During 
the months which elapsed between the visit of the members 
of the Senate to Saint-Cloud and the ceremony itself. Napo- 
leon's brothers and sisters made repeated efforts to per- 
suade him to divorce their sister-in-law ; they reminded 
him of her past misdeeds, none of which had been forgotten 



io8 eug£ne de beauharnais 

or forgiven by them, although the conduct of one of those 
sisters was no better than that of the Generale Bonaparte ; 
they pointed out to him the terrible fact that he had no 
son to continue the dynasty which he had at last managed 
to build up for himself. 

Wearied by Josephine's jealousy and consequent tactless 
behaviour, Napoleon began to yield to his relations' inter- 
ested advice. In the month of October, while only two 
months still lay between Josephine and her coronation, 
Napoleon sent word to Eugene to come to Saint-Cloud as 
he wished to arrange matters with his step-son concerning 
his projected divorce. Eugene, on reaching that palace, 
found his mother and sister in tears. He expressed no 
surprise on hearing what his step-father intended to do; 
he did not try to alter his determination ; he bowed to 
the stronger will. Had not his step-father already threat- 
ened once before to divorce his erring spouse ? Ah ! how 
much better it might have been for all concerned if he had 
done so then, instead of waiting until the golden crown of 
France and the iron crown of Italy were almost within her 
grasp. Eugene refused all the offers of assistance and pro- 
tection which Napoleon made as a sort of compensation 
for the loss of his position as step-son to an Emperor, and 
all the advantages to be reaped therefrom both now and — 
what was far more important — in the future. He declared 
that " his mother's misfortunes prevented him accepting 
any gifts from the author of those misfortunes, and that he 
intended to foUow her to whatever retreat she might choose 
— even to Martinique, if necessary — and that he would 
sacrifice everything in order to comfort and console her." 
Hortense expressed the same determination. These noble 
words made a great impression upon Napoleon, who listened 
in silence. For the second time he allowed himself to be 
influenced by his step-children, although it might have been 
better, considering what was to come, if he had stood firm. 
For the second time Josephine was saved from the conse- 
quences of her past misconduct by her children. 

It was well known that Josephine was very superstitious : 
who would not have been so with a husband like Napoleon ? 
Her pleasure and pride at receiving the crown from the 
hands of her all-powerful husband were nearly spoilt by a 



LOST JEWELS 109 

little incident which took place in Notre-Dame during the 
coronation ceremony. Just as she was about to descend 
from her throne in order to be crowned Empress of the 
French she discovered that she had lost her wedding-ring. 
Did not this loss betoken a speedy dissolution of her mar- 
riage, either by death or by a divorce ? Luckily Eugene 
was near at hand ; at a sign from his mother, he hastened 
to her side and inquired the cause of her distress. On 
hearing of her loss he, aided by Isabey, lifted up the cushions 
of the throne and soon discovered the missing ring. 

A propos of missing jewels, the sprightly Mme d'Abrantes, 
the wife of Napoleon's true friend, Junot, was not so lucky 
when, on the occasion of a ball given in honour of the 
coronation by Eugene in his hotel in the rue de Lille, she 
too lost some jewels. She says : 

" We ladies were made much of and invited everywhere. 
On the night of the ball given by Prince Eugene I wore a 
dress of geranium purple silk trimmed with silver leaves ; 
I chose corals and diamonds as my jewels ; I cannot explain 
what made me do so, but they certainly looked very well. 
The corals were particularly beautiful ; my brother had 
had them polished at Marseilles and had matched each one 
most carefully so that the set might be quite perfect ; the 
pear-shaped ear-rings were especially remarkable for their 
colour and size. ... I was beginning a quadrille with 
Prince Eugene when I suddenly felt a violent pain in the 
lobes of my ears, caused by the heavy ear-rings. The Prince 
advised me to take them out, so I called Junot in order to 
give them into his care. But as he, as ill-luck would have 
it, was wearing a hussar's coat without any pockets, he 
could not take them. So, telling me to remember to fetch 
my ear-rings, he placed them on the mantelpiece behind me, 
I myself saw him leave them there, for I turned round to 
watch him. I continued to dance while he went off. As 
soon as the quadrille was over, the Prince reminded me of 
my ear-rings, which I then went to fetch. But we looked 
in vain : they had disappeared ! 

" The Prince uttered an exclamation of surprise ; he was 
so angry I did not know how to calm him. He was all the 
more furious because no servants had entered the room 
during the quadrille. Junot, whom I had summoned to my 



no eug£ne de beauharnais 

side, told the Prince, on seeing how painful this scene was 
to me, that he had fetched my ear-rings while we were 
dancing and put them in his coat-pocket ! . . . The Prince 
was positively furious ; he was always so kind, such a per- 
fect host, so careful whom he invited to his hotel ! But 
indeed there was a mighty crowd that night, and my ear- 
rings were never found ! " 

We notice that Mme. d'Abrantes in her account of a 
fashionable ball during the early days of the Empire calls the 
Emperor's step-son " Prince " Eugene. As a matter of fact, 
Eugene did not receive this title until some weeks after the 
above-mentioned ball. On assuming the role of Emperor of 
the French, Napoleon had distributed titles and honours to 
those members of his family who were not content with 
what he had already given them. To his eldest brother, 
Joseph, he gave the title of Prince Imperial ; Louis Bona- 
parte, the husband of his step-daughter and sister-in-law 
Hortense, was made grand constable ; while to his brother- 
in-law, Murat, he gave the titles of prince and marshal. 
And yet Eugene was apparently forgotten. 

Mme. de Remusat says : 

" The Empress could not help lamenting sometimes to 
herself when she saw that her son had no share in these 
promotions ; but she had the good taste to conceal her grief ; 
and Eugene, in the midst of this brilliant society, observed 
a calm, natural demeanour, which reflected great honour 
upon him and contrasted favourably with Murat's jealous 
impatience. . . . The Bonapartes were triumphant. Eugene, 
the object of their undying hatred, was positively ill-treated, 
which fact caused his mother much sorrow." 

In this, as in many other incidents in Napoleon's 
life, female influence was at work, influence contrary to 
Eugene's interest unfortunately, and especially contrary to 
Josephine's peace of mind. The latter, while still wife of the 
First Consul, had chosen as her lady-in-waiting a certain 
Mme. Duchatel, the young and very pretty spouse of an 
elderly official. This lady, who was fair, and possessed a 
most brilliant complexion, was then about the same age as 
Eugene, whom she had persuaded to fall in love with her. 
But Eugene was not her only victim, for first Murat, and 
then a no less important personage than the First Consul 



EUG£NE leaves for ITALY iii 

himself fell victims to her charais. Now, Mme. Bonaparte 
was quite willing to allow Mme. Duchatel to carry on a 
flirtation with Eugene de Beauharnais ; but when she dis- 
covered that the pretty young woman had had the impu- 
dence to aspire to the affections of the master of the 
Tuileries her anger knew no bounds. The First Consul's 
coolness towards his step-son was probably caused by Mme. 
Duchatel's revelations concerning our hero's passion, reve- 
lations which she cleverly used to goad Napoleon on towards 
accomplishing her aim. Eugene tells us in his memoirs that 
when the Emperor re-established etiquette at his Court he 
ceased to see as much of his step-father as he had done 
hitherto. But those kind friends who are always so careful 
to let us know that we are not so necessary to the happiness 
of those we love best on earth as we imagine ourselves to 
be, now tried to open Eugene's eyes to the fact that his step- 
father was purposely keeping him at a distance. However, 
Eugene had received too many proofs of Napoleon's affec- 
tion for him to listen to their spiteful hints ; he trusted to 
time to close the little rift which he had determined should 
not widen by any fault on his side. 

Some time afterwards the Emperor, through Josephine, 
offered Eugene the post of grand chamberlain ; this post 
the young man refused, however, stating that he preferred 
a military career. Had the Emperor offered him the post 
of equerry, he would have accepted it, for he was always 
passionately fond of horses. 

Suddenly, towards the end of January, 1805, when the 
cold was most severe, Eugene received orders to be ready 
to start for Italy with his regiment within twenty-four 
hours. The Empress declared that this order was the out- 
come of Napoleon's jealousy of Eugene, for the Emperor 
was still under the spell of Mme. Duchatel's beauty. How- 
ever, Eugene must have been glad to leave France for a 
time ; he had suffered a good deal during the last few 
months. 

Josephine wept bitterly on bidding her son farewell ; but 
as Eugene had extracted a promise from her that she would 
not protest against this act of injustice, she was forced to 
swallow her grief in silence. Eugene, as a soldier, was 
obliged to obey commands. 



112 eug£ne de beauharnais 

The leave-taking between the step-son and the step-father 
was decidedly chilly — on the part of the latter, at least ; 
perhaps the Emperor was secretly annoyed with himself for 
sending away his step-son in a moment of jealousy. 

But although Eugene was able to persuade his mother to 
conceal her anger, he was powerless to prevent his sister 
Hortense expressing her opinion of her step-father's cruel 
treatment of our hero. In a conversation with Mme. de 
Remusat, Hortense not only gave vent to her indignation, 
but she openly expressed her admiration for her brother's 
Griselda-like submission. 

" If the Emperor," said she, " had expected one of his 
own relatives to do such a thing, what a fuss they would 
have made ! — whereas Eugene obeys and says nothing. I 
really think that Bonaparte cannot fail to be struck by his 
obedience." 

Napoleon, now free to carry on his flirtation with Mme. 
Duchatel, went to La Malmaison with all his Court, while 
Eugene, without a murmur, trudged through snow and rain 
towards Italy, where he was soon to reap a rich reward for 
his submission. He was on horseback, in front of his regi- 
ment, soaked to the skin with half -melted snow, when he 
received a very pleasant piece of news. 

" I was at Tarare, near Lyons," says he, " when a mes- 
senger arrived bringing me the news that I had been made 
arch-chancellor and a prince of the French Empire. I con- 
tinued to live with my troops and my officers as I had always 
done. I received quantities of letters of congratulation filled 
with praise and protestations of friendship, which I took for 
what they were worth, as if I could foresee what experience, 
since those days, has taught me to he the truth. One thing 
alone touched me, and those were the terms used by the 
Emperor in his message to the Senate announcing my ap- 
pointment. . . . These public tokens of esteem and con- 
fidence from a great man, the head of the nation, uttered in 
the presence of his statesmen, seemed to me far more 
precious than the titles and posts which I probably only 
owed to the fact that I was related to him by my mother's 
marriage." 

Here is the message in question : 

" Senators ! we have appointed our step-son, Eugene 



MADE A PRINCE OF THE EMPIRE 113 

Beauharnais, arch-chancellor of the Empire. Of all our 
actions, this action is the most agreeable to us. Educated 
by our care and under our supervision since his childhood, 
he has shown himself worthy to imitate and, with God's 
help, to surpass one day the lessons and examples which we 
have set before him. Although still young, we shall con- 
sider him from this moment, by the experience earned under 
very trying circumstances, as one of the pillars of our throne 
and as one of the most valiant defenders of the fatherland. 

" Surrounded by the trials and disappointments insepa- 
rable from our exalted position, our heart feels the need of 
affection, the affection and unfailing devotion of this child 
of our adoption ; such consolation is doubtless necessary to 
all mankind and especially to us whose whole existence is 
devoted to the welfare of the nation. 

" Our blessing will accompany this young prince through- 
out his career ; one day he will, with the help of Providence, 
be worthy of the approbation of posterity. 

" Given at our palace of the Tuileries, the 12th pluviose, 
an XIII (February ist, 1805)." 

Eugene now wrote a letter thanking his step-father for 
these titles which, considering what the Bonapartes had re- 
ceived, were hardly worth mentioning : 

" vSire — I have just received the letter with which Your 
Majesty has kindly honoured me. You had already loaded 
me with favours ; I did not think it was possible to add to 
their number. It has pleased Your Majesty, however, to 
give me yet another proof of your kindness by raising me 
to the position of prince and arch-chancellor of State. These 
titles can only increase the devotion and boundless fidelity 
which I have sworn to show to Your Majesty. These senti- 
ments. Sire, will only end with my life, which will be worth- 
less in my eyes as soon as it ceases to be of use to you. 

" Kindly receive. Sire, the expression of my gratitude. 
I have the honour to remain, etc., etc., " Eugene." 

Mme. Duchatel was not to enjoy the success of her 
scheming for very long after Eugene's departure. The in- 
evitable was about to happen : the Emperor soon wearied 



114 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

of her and announced his intention of following his step-son 
to Italy. 

M. de Remusat^ preceded the Emperor by some weeks ; 
on reaching Milan, this gentleman was cordially welcomed 
by Eugene, who was leading a very dull life. His lot was 
not altogether a pleasant one just at that time ; as the 
representative of Napoleon, he had a good deal to do with 
the Milanese nobility, who showed their hatred of their new 
master by holding aloof from Eugene's receptions under the 
pretext that they were too poor to entertain and to attend 
any official functions. Eugene had endeavoured to in- 
gratiate himself with France's new subjects, but some time 
had to elapse before he made any progress. On seeing 
M. de Remusat, he hastened to question that gentleman as 
to what was happening in Paris, and, above all, whether the 
Emperor and Mme. Duchatel were as close friends as ever. 
It must have been some satisfaction to him to learn that 
Mme, Duchatel's star was already on the wane. 

The coronation of Napoleon as King of Italy took place 
in great splendour on May 23rd in the cathedral of Milan. 
A few days after this event Napoleon made Eugene viceroy 
of Italy with the title of Prince Eugene Napoleon. . . . But 
the name of Eugene de Beauharnais was ever a more 
glorious title ! 

It was the Emperor's wish that his step-son should marry 
Marie-Louise, the widowed queen of Etruria^ and the 
daughter of Charles IV of Spain, whose husband, Louis of 
Parma, but lately deceased, the great kingmaker had placed 
on the throne of Etruria only four years ago. For some 
unknown reason, however, the marriage fell through. 
Napoleon, in making the faithful Eugene viceroy of Italy, 
was probably influenced by compunction for his unjust 

^ The comte de Remusat (1762— 1823) : was prefect of the palace during 
the Empire, head chamberlain, inspector of the national theatres, and 
during the Restoration, prefect, first of the Department of Haute Garonne 
and then of that of the Nord. His wife was the celebrated authoress 
mentioned in this work. 

^ Marie-Louise, queen of Etruria (i 782-1 824), daughter of Charles IV 
and Marie-Louise of Spain, married in 1798 Louis de Bourbon, son of the 
duke of Parma, who, in 1801, received the kingdom of Etruria in exchange 
for his patrimony. On her husband's death, in 1803, Marie-Louise placed 
her son Louis II on the throne of Etruria ; dispossessed by the French in 
1808, she went to France and shared her father's captivity. In 1815, she 
obtained the duchy of Lucca for her son. 



VICEROY OF ITALY 115 

treatment. Anyone would have thought that Josephine 
would have been overjoyed that her son's merits had at 
last been recognized and suitably rewarded ; but such was 
not the case. She received the news with tears. Would 
she not now see less of her son than ever ? 

The Emperor noticed her grief and tried to comfort her 
by remarking : 

" You are crying, Josephine ! You are very silly to do 
so. You are crying because you are going to be separated 
from your son. If separation from your children causes you 
so much grief, just think what I must suffer ! Your affec- 
tion for them makes me realize all I lose by being child- 
less ! " 

This speech only made Josephine weep all the more : did 
it not remind her of the terrible fact that she had failed to 
give the Emperor a son ? 

It was probably during Napoleon's stay in Milan that the 
Marquis de Gallo, Minister to Ferdinand IV, king of Naples, 
suggested that Eugene should marry one of his master's 
daughters, who in after years, as Marie-Amelie, wife of 
Louis-Philippe, reigned over the French. But this project, 
like the others, came to naught. 

Before leaving Milan, Napoleon entrusted to M. di Melzi 
(later duca di Lodi) the task of guiding the viceroy in his 
first essay at governing. Although only twenty-five years 
of age, Eugene had seen quite enough of his step-father's 
methods of ruling to be able to profit thereby. His first 
care, on finding himself left to do more or less as he thought 
fit, was to gather round him all the persons of note then in 
Milan ; he was determined to win the Italian nation to his 
side by kindness, and for some years he seems to have suc- 
ceeded. He chose his body-guard from among the members 
of the oldest and proudest families in Italy. Conscription 
was established upon the same basis as in France ; never- 
theless the country, for the first year or two, was only ex- 
pected to provide six thousand men. Some of the convents, 
of which there were far too many, were closed, several 
small establishments being united so as to make one im- 
portant community. 

But Eugene was a very different man from his step-father; 
his was a yielding nature ; he needed help and counsel from 



ii6 eug£ne de beauharnais 

others. His brain was incapable of conceiving gigantic 
plans, of carrying them through and of forcing Fate to bend 
to his will. He was also incapable of taking the initiative 
except in matters when his honour was at stake, and then 
he could step out and speak his mind pretty plainly, as his 
father-in-law afterwards discovered to his astonishment. 

Now although Napoleon appreciated Eugene's good 
qualities, he was not blind to the fact that the young man 
was inclined to let people impose upon him : Mme. Duchatel 
had opened his mind on that point. No sooner did Napoleon 
leave Milan than he began a lengthy correspondence with 
Eugene, a series of letter-sermons, instructions and repri- 
mands ; for, notwithstanding our hero's desire to please his 
step-father, he was not always successful. 

Josephine did not start with her husband when the latter 
went to visit Cremona, Verona, Mantua, Piacenza and 
several other towns in his new kingdom, but remained with 
her son for a few weeks. She spent a good deal of her time 
seeing the country round Milan ; she also paid a flying visit 
to Como when Eugene wrote the following letter to his step- 
father : 

" Sire — I have the honour to inform Your Majesty that 
the Empress started yesterday at four o'clock in the morn- 
ing for Como. I then spent an hour with Containi trying to 
arrange matters concerning the expenses of my household, 
a subject which he is to discuss with Your Majesty at 
Piacenza. ... I think you have forgotten to make me an 
allowance for my private expenses, such as the salaries of 
my valets, my wardrobe, my library, etc. No sum so far 
has been set aside for these items. I can assure Your 
Majesty that I shall exercise the greatest economy. . . . 
I shall need Your Majesty's indulgence. I feel that, as long 
as I live, I shall require your advice and especially now at 
the beginning of my career as viceroy ; I shall often be 
obliged to trouble you about unimportant matters." 

But it was by attending to matters of no apparent 
importance that Napoleon showed his genius. In the two 
following letters, written the same day from the marsh- 
city, Mantua, Napoleon treats of two widely different sub- 
jects : horticulture and quartering soldiers. The first letter 



VICEROY OF ITALY 117 

probably explains the presence of the magnificent butter- 
cup yellow satin Empire furniture, now rapidly fading, but 
still to be seen and admired by the argus-eyed tourist in the 
palace of Mantua. 

" Mantua, June 20th, 1805. 

" The palace of Mantua is kept in very bad repair ; the 
palazzo del Te is no better.^ I wish both palaces to be kept 
in good condition, and the cost to be defrayed by my civil 
list. Mantua is an important place, and it would be a good 
thing to spend a month there every winter. This town is 
the bulwark of the kingdom. ... I wish the land outside 
the Porta Cerese to be planted with young trees. I do not 
know where there are any plantations, but it ought not to 
be a difficult matter to find trees suitable to the climate of 
Mantua. Have a plan drawn up for planting the forum 
Bonaparte, and see that the land is planted during the 
winter months with two or three thousand young trees and 
shrubs. . . ." 

" Mantua, June 20th, 1805. 

" Be sure that the French and Italian officers quartered 
at Mantua pay for their quartering ; I wish these officers 
to be quartered, but I also wish the owners of the houses in 
which they lodge to be paid for their trouble." 

It was Napoleon's wish that Eugene should endeavour to 
persuade all the younger members of the Italian nobility to 
join the army. In obedience to this wish, the viceroy con- 
ceived a plan for forming a regiment of dragoons, which 
regiment was to wear a white uniform with collar and 
facings of tricolour silk and to bear the name of les dragons 
de Josephine ; this name did not meet with the Emperor's 
approval. 

^ What would Napoleon say if he could see the Palazzo del Te in its 
present condition ? And yet neither neglect, desolation nor malaria can 
destroy the charm of this place, which got its name from the marshy plain, 
Thejetto or Tejetto, upon which Francesco IV Gonzaga had a stable built 
for his celebrated breed of horses. The marchese Frederico, the first duke 
of Mantua, commissioned Giulio Romano to build a villa on the spot occu- 
pied by the stable. This villa eventually developed into the present 
palace. The Sala del cavalli contains some most admirable and life- 
like frescoes, portraits of six of the duke's favourite horses. 



ii8 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

" Genoa, July -^vd, 1805. 
" The regiment of dragoons cannot bear the name of 
Josephine ; the title of dragons de la Reine would be much 
more suitable. I send you a decree to that effect. It would 
be absurd to call regiments after women ! . . ," 

Eugene found the task of reconciling the old Italian 
nobility with the new French governor anything but easy. 
A certain Signor Salimbini, brother to the general of that 
name, was particularly violent in his attacks upon the new 
regime. In the following letter, Eugene tells his step-father 
how he treated his opponent : 

" Milan, July 14th, 1805. 

" Yesterday I sent for M. Salimbini, a member of the 
legislative body. I had been informed that he had been 
heard to make the following remark : ' We will show these 
French dogs that we are Italians ! ' The Minister of the 
Interior introduced him to me. I then reproached him 
sternly in the Minister's presence, and told him that, although 
I occupied a post which prevented me revenging any per- 
sonal affront, I should not allow, nay, I should punish very 
severely, any remarks tending to divide the French and 
Italian nations or directed against the two governments 
now united in one person. I then added : ' You can say 
whatever you like about me ; I have no reason to fear what 
you may say, and I will show all Italy I am a better Italian 
and more devoted to the fatherland than you are.' After 
this little sermon, which was very severe, I can assure you, 
and which lasted a good quarter of an hour, the legislator 
excused himself to the best of his ability ; he even gave me 
his word of honour that he had not uttered the speech which 
had been repeated to me. I pretended to believe him, 
although I was pretty well certain that he was not telling 
the truth ; however, he has had his little lecture, which, 
I hope, wiU serve as a lesson for the future ; I knew that 
he deserved it. He is one of those men who delight to 
foment troubles with the existing regime and who always 
praise past governments, no matter how bad they may 
have been. I beg Your Majesty to be assured that I did 
not exceed my duty, and that my intention was to show the 
busybodies that I could be severe upon occasion and that I 
was not to be trifled with." 



INCURS HIS STEP-FATHER'S ANGER 119 

To this letter, Eugene's mentor, who had returned to 
France, repHed as follows : 

" My Cousin — You are mistaken in supposing that the 
Italians are simple-minded ; they are spiteful. Don't let 
them forget that I am at liberty to do whatever I like. 
You must be firm with everybody and especially with the 
Italians, who only obey when ordered to do so. They will 
not respect you unless they fear you, and they will not fear 
you until they see that you understand their false, double 
dispositions. However, you need only say : ' It is the 
Emperor's will ! ' They know very well that I never change 
my mind. I have just ordered M. Lagarde, one of the 
Minister of Police's employes, to go to you ; this man has 
filled many roles, and he is a perfect watch-dog. Keep him 
at a distance and do not communicate with him except 
through M. Mejean. Do as I tell you and don't consult your 
own feelings, the feelings of an inexperienced youth." 

The above opinion of the Italian character, coming from 
a man who was more Italian than French, is somewhat sur- 
prising. Circumstances, however, proved that those states- 
men whom Eugene imagined he had won over to his side 
were but fair-weather friends. And he was still to have 
some trouble before even these fair-weather friends would 
consent to play their part. In consequence of the ever- 
increasing discontent of the Italian legislative corps, Eugene 
now dissolved that body — without first obtaining his step- 
father's consent. This imprudence aroused Napoleon's ire, 
and he took care to let Eugene know that it had done so. 

Overcome with dismay at having displeased his step- 
father, Eugene wrote : 

" Milan, fuly ^oth, 1805. 

" Sire — It was with the deepest sorrow that I learnt that 
Your Majesty was displeased with my conduct concerning 
the legislative corps. This sad news has made me very un- 
happy ; the lesson has caused me too much pain for me 
not to profit by it in future, or at least for me not to 
endeavour still more, if it be possible, not to displease 
you. . . ." 



120 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Napoleon was sometimes known to make his servitors 
write letters supposed to come from the said servitors, but 
in reality dictated by the master. Did he not do so on that 
occasion when, some years later, he made that excellent 
Mme. de Remusat hint in a letter to his ex-wife that she 
had better leave France for a while and go and pay a visit 
to her son Eugene, lest the public rejoicings in honour of 
the birth of the eaglet, the longed-for heir, should prove too 
painful to her ? On this occasion it was the hand of one of 
Napoleon's truest friends, General Duroc, which wrote the 
letter conceived by the master-brain : 

" Camp of Boulogne, 

" July 3is^, 1805. 
" Monseigneur — His Majesty to-day did me the honour to 
call me into his study in order to talk to me about you. 
Although I am going to pain you, I must do so. You can 
easily prevent it happening again. 

" Yes, His Majesty is angry, very angry with you ; here 
is the cause of his displeasure. First of all you have ex- 
ceeded your authority. You do things which you have no 
right to do ; thus, for instance, you have dissolved the 
legislative body, and you have made alterations in laws 
which you were charged to execute. 

" His Majesty complains that you have fixed the expendi- 
ture for each department ; that you act too hurriedly and 
so you spend twice as much as you ought to spend. Do not 
listen to those around you ; do not believe false rumours. . . , 
" The Emperor also complains that you criticize and give 
your opinion upon questions which, you may be sure, he 
does not decide without weighing each one most carefully. 
. . . Never take upon yourself to do anything which does 
not lie in your province. As to matters which only concern 
yourself, do what you will. If you make mistakes, you will 
be forgiven. Be assured that the Emperor will not forget 
you; that he will always love you, trust you and praise 
you for your behaviour towards him. 

" I know that I have said some hard and unpleasant 
things, my dear prince ; not only am I authorized to do so 
by my genuine affection for you, but I am glad to conceal 
nothing from you, so convinced am I that I am doing it for 



INCURS HIS STEP-FATHER'S ANGER 121 

your good and that I shall be able to help you carry out 
His Majesty's intentions, which, I know, is your dearest 
wish. I am sure he will think as I think. 

" How this letter will grieve you ! But be brave and 
profit by my advice. Cease to regret that you are far away 
from your family, and learn to govern as he ought to govern 
who rules in the name of our great Emperor. 

" DUROC." 

Scribbled in the Emperor's own handwriting was the 
brief postscript : 

" I wrote to you yesterday to tell you how displeased I 
was with you ; I hope you did not take the news to heart 
too much." 

Poor Eugene ! in after years, and especially in 1814, he 
was blamed by Marmont, and by many another of the 
latter's way of thinking, for his lack of independence. 



CHAPTER V 

Eugene works too hard — He makes the acquaintance of his future brother- 
in-law — More scolding — Austria begins to give trouble again — Eugene 
prepares for war — Napoleon's habits of secrecy — Eugene issues a 
proclamation to the ItaUan nation — He learns of his step-father's suc- 
cesses and regrets that he has no share in those successes — Ghiraldina. 

EUG£NE led a truly strenuous life as viceroy of Italy ; 
indeed, he worked so hard and took his duties so 
seriously that his step-father had to tell him to give himself 
more time for rest and recreation. 

Napoleon had lately cast his eye upon the kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies, which he thought would give his elder brother 
Joseph a suitable position among the other members of the 
very " pushing " Bonaparte family. As Ferdinand IV, the 
half-imbecile King of Naples, and his masterful wife, Marie- 
Caroline, had joined the coalition against France, and had 
played the Emperor false upon more than one occasion. 
Napoleon considered himself quite justified in depriving the 
King of his possessions. Eugene was to help bring this 
about by sending a powerful detachment to the Neapolitan 
frontier to join General Gouvion Saint-Cyr,^ who already 
had fifteen thousand troops at his command, should the 
latter require reinforcements. 

Austria was preparing to give trouble. Francis I, Emperor 
of Austria, had never forgiven Napoleon for having forced 
him to sign the Treaties of Campo-Formio and Luneville ; 
by signing the former treaty he had lost nearly all his valu- 
able possessions on the left bank of the Rhine. And Napo- 
leon had inflicted so many other indignities upon him, such 
as the victories of Wattignies, Lodi, Castiglione, Areola, 
Rivoli, Marengo and Hohenlinden, that he was dying to 

^ Gouvion Saint-Cyr, Laurent (1764-1830) : served with Hoche, Jourdan 
and Moreau ; commanded the armies de Rome and de Naples. He was 
Minister of War from 1815 to 1821. 

122 



HIS FUTURE BROTHER-IN-LAW 123 

revenge himself upon this self-made Emperor who dared to 
dictate his commands to an Emperor born in the purple. 
But it was Napoleon's intention to let his future father-in- 
law take all the responsibility for what was to follow. 

From the beginning of August Napoleon's letters to 
Eugene are full of advice to act with precaution so as to 
avoid giving Austria an excuse for going to war, to provide 
his army with such necessary items as mounts, provisions, 
baggage-waggons, ammunition, etc. The Emperor counted 
upon his step-son's obedience, and he was not disappointed. 
While preparing to second his step-father, Eugene received 
a visit from his future brother-in-law, the prince of Bavaria, 
later Ludwig I, king of Bavaria i^ 

" Milan, August ^th, 1805. 

"... The Prince of Bavaria arrived in Milan last Friday 
night ; he called upon me Saturday morning and I returned 
his call on Sunday at midday. He dined with me that 
day ; there were thirty-five persons present, ministers, 
councillors of State, a few ladies, some generals, etc. I sent 
him a guard of honour and also placed some saddle-horses 
and a box at the theatre at his disposal ; in short, I did 
everything I could to be polite to him. He seemed very 
anxious to see our French cuirassiers ; I shall take him to 
Lodi one day this week. This young man is nineteen years 
of age. He seems a trifle more wide-awake than is usually 
the case with German princes. Unfortunately he is deaf, 
and he stammers into the bargain, two defects which make 
conversation with him rather difficult. He has been travel- 
ling for the last eight months and he appears to have pro- 
fited by his journeying. He is accompanied by the General 
Graf von Reuss and two chamberlains. The former gentle- 

^ Ludwig I (Karl- August), king of Bavaria, born August 25th, 1786: 
he was the son of MaximiUan I of Bavaria by his first wife. In 1810, he 
married princess Theresa of Saxony. He succeeded to the throne of 
Bavaria in 1825, and began his reign by some wise financial reforms ; at 
first his rule was lenient, but he soon became very despotic, owing to the 
bad advice of the Bavarian clergy and the influence of his mistress, Lola 
Montes. The populace finally lost patience and manifested its discontent 
so forcibly that he was obliged to abdicate in favour of his son, Maxi- 
milian II of Bavaria. He retired into private life and died in 1868. To 
his taste, not always very sure, Munich owes many of her public build- 
ings : the Odeon theatre, the new Pinacotheque, the royal palace, etc. 
He also cultivated belles-lettres and wrote a volume of poems, a play, etc. 



124 eug£ne de beauharnais 

man has only been six weeks with him ; he took the place 
of another mentor who was probably a little too severe with 
the Prince, for he was sent off at a moment's notice in dis- 
grace. It appears that the Prince is going to travel in 
France and that he will be in Paris in the autumn. ..." 

Eugene again incurs his step-father's displeasure, as is 
proved by the following letter written from Boulogne, where 
Napoleon was contemplating an attack upon that perfidious 
Albion whose white cliffs looked so invitingly close. 

" My Cousin — I have received your letter ; I cannot find 
words to tell you how displeased I am at your behaviour in 
expressing an opinion concerning my conduct ; this is the 
third time in the space of one month. You had no right to 
mangle my laws concerning the finances of Italy (they bore 
my signature) and to make others. Your conduct in slight- 
ing my authority is less painful to me than your evident 
intention not to take my advice. What would you have 
me say in reply to your letters ? I do not write to amuse 
myself ; and when I do write, I am not accustomed to write 
in vain. What is the good of my writing you advice if you 
have already made up your mind to act before you get my 
reply ? If you value my esteem and my affection you must 
never, under no pretext whatever (no ! not even if the moon 
threatens to faU upon Milan), do anything which lies out- 
side your province. I wish you to trust me so completely 
that you allow yourself to be guided by me in all things. 
You are the first person who has ever made me seem in the 
wrong — and in the presence of thirty or forty blackguards, 
too ! This would not have happened if you had not been 
over-officious : don't let it occur again ! Do not be afraid 
that this little incident will prevent me doing justice to your 
fine qualities ; I want to keep my good opinion of you. . . . 
I was waiting to hear from you before writing to Milan. 
Whenever you write to me about anything, be sure to tell 
me if you are waiting for my advice or if you are acting 
without my consent ; remember that you will be guilty of 
great disrespect towards me if, while your letter or mine is 
on the road, you take upon yourself to act as you think I 
should act under the circumstances. ..." 




z -s 



AUSTRIA GIVES TROUBLE AGAIN 125 

Napoleon had now gathered 200,000 experienced troops 
round him at Boulogne ; he counted upon his flotilla to 
help him conquer Albion, who, as we all know, had only 
begun to prepare for war when the war was on her threshold — 
the Channel. But the attack never came off. To Austria's 
timely revolt against Napoleon's ever-increasing ambition 
England probably owed the fact that she did not fall into 
the hands — for a time, at least — of some discontented and 
unsuccessful member of the Bonaparte family. The follow- 
ing letter from Napoleon brings the past very vividly before 

our mind : «. ^ -r. 

Camp of Boulogne, 

"August i^ih, 1805. 

"... On arriving in the bay of Ferrol my fleet took the 
offensive ; we got the best of the encounter, France is now 
mistress of the seas ; our mission is accomplished. Had it 
not been for the fact that two Spanish vessels drifted off 
and allowed themselves to be captured during the night, 
this day would have been one of the most glorious in the 
annals of the French navy. 

" I gave orders to my flotilla here to attack the English 
fleet ; we drove the latter quite three and a half leagues out 
into the Channel, and this notwithstanding the fact that the 
English had some men-of-war to support them. 

" Austria is mustering her troops ; I have requested her 
to desist within a fortnight from to-day or else I shall face 
about and march upon Vienna with my army of 200,000 
men. 

" Nothing can be more beautiful than my army here. 

" I scolded you in my last letters ; but I am sure that 
you will understand that, when you are in need of my 
advice, you must write to me and then wait to act until 
you can get my reply. ..." 

Eugene, like most persons afflicted with sensitive natures, 
was rather inclined to cry over spilt milk, as we see from 
the following letter of contrition : 

" MoNzA, August 16th, 1805. 

" Sire — Your Majesty's birthday was kept yesterday 
throughout your kingdom. I was delighted to see the 



126 eug£ne de beauharnais 

genuine enthusiasm displayed by the Milanese. Illumina- 
tions were by no means universal, but the populace indulged 
in all sorts of games which lasted until nightfall. The 
people's cries of : ' Long life to the Emperor ! ' at the end 
of the play showed that they were proud to be Your Ma- 
jesty's subjects. However, I could not forget that Your 
Majesty was displeased with me ; and I was certainly, 
although I entered heart and soul into their rejoicings, the 
saddest of all those who kept the fete of Saint Napoleon.^ 
The Prince of Bavaria was to have started two days ago, 
but he remained in Milan on purpose to help us keep this 
memorable anniversary. He left this morning for Paris, via 
Geneva, Lyons, Marseilles and Bordeaux." 

Napoleon graciously accords his pardon in a few words : 

" Camp of Boulogne, 

"August igth, 1805. 
" My Cousin — I have just received your letter of the i6th 
instant. Let bygones he bygones. But you must only do what 
it is your duty to do ; more than that is useless. . . ." 

As if realizing that the above note was still too severe, the 
step-father, on the same day, sends another and a kinder 
missive : » Camp of Boulogne, 

"August igth, 1805. 

" My Cousin — I thank you for your kind messages con- 
cerning my fete day. Hortense has been here for the last 
two days ; she much enjoys visiting the different camps. 

" F.S. — / am convinced that you are genuinely fond of me ; 
rest assured that I love you." 

Eugene meanwhile was preparing for the war which was 
on the eastern horizon ; these preparations were rendered 
more difficult from the fact that Napoleon wished the 
Italians to know nothing of what he contemplated doing. 

" Camp of Boulogne, 

" September 1st, 1805. 
" My Cousin — I have received your report containing the 
names of the young men belonging to your guard of honour. 

1 Saint Napoleon, a Christian martyr whose name Neapolas Pius VII, 
in his anxiety to please his master, altered to that of Napoleons and in- 
scribed it thus in the Calendar. 



PREPARES FOR WAR 127 

You can now form another guard : you will find it necessary 
in the stormy future. 

" I shall be back in Paris in a few days' time. This 
autumn will bring forth some great events. Hasten to con- 
clude the victualling of Mantua. . . . Study the country ; 
a knowledge of the geography of a country always comes in 
useful sooner or later. 

" My army is on the march. Continue, nevertheless, to 
say that I am only sending a detachment of thirty thousand 
men to protect the banks of the Rhine. . . . 

" The greater part of the war budget ought now to be 
devoted to victualling the different strongholds. ..." 

On September 2nd, 1805, Eugene writes to his step-father 
from Monza : 

" Sire — I have the honour to send Your Majesty a report 
which was handed to me last night. 

" If Prussia perseveres in her system of neutrality, and if 
Austria thinks better of what she contemplated undertaking, 
the King of the Two Sicilies, supposing he has got any 
common sense left in his head, ought to cease defying us, 
and drop that servile deference which he has hitherto shown 
towards England. Into what an abyss of misery nations 
are plunged by anger, jealousy and unsatiated spite ! And 
into what excesses a Court falls which only owes its existence 
to treachery, low intrigue and dishonesty ! But the end is 
in sight. 

" Here in Italy everybody is quivering with excitement. 
All kinds of moral, physical and political upheavals are 
taking place. And then, to make matters worse, Vesuvius 
does nothing but vomit forth flames ; yesterday a flood of 
lava flowed down the mountain for two hours, spread over 
the country around to a distance of five miles, and then, 
after dividing into two smaller streams, emptied itself into 
the sea. ..." 

In another letter Eugene assures his hard task-master 
that he is straining every nerve to be ready for the call to 

^^^^^^- • " MoNZA, September 4th, 1805. 

" Sire — Your Majesty can rest assured that I shall do my 
very best to execute your commands as quickly as possible. 



128 eug£ne de beauharnais 

I shall do myself the honour to inform you day by day of 
my success. 

" I must tell Your Majesty that, for the last four or five 
days, a rumour has been circulated that Massena^ is coming 
to take Marshal Jourdan's^ place, and that the latter is about 
to join the armee du Rhin. Luckily this rumour was spread 
before your letter arrived ; for, although I did not breathe 
a word about the matter, they might have read the news 
in my face. ..." 

At Napoleon's command, Eugene now inserted notices in 
the Milanese newspapers to the effect that the Austrians had 
not crossed the Adige yet, that the French ambassador was 
still in Vienna, and that Austria had no intention of recalling 
her representative from the French capital. He concluded 
with a hint that the Emperor was ready to fall upon any 
nation which might be so foolhardy as to rouse his ire. 

When Massena passed through Milan on his way to Naples 
— and victory — he found everything in readiness, notwith- 
standing the impoverished condition of the country. 

Now, Eugene's secret desire was to be allowed to fight — 
was he not the son of a brave soldier and the step-son of the 
greatest soldier the world has ever seen ? In the following 
letter he almost begs to be allowed to help gather fresh 
laurels for Europe's master : 

" MoNzA, September gth, 1805. 

" Sire — I have been lucky enough to arrest two or three 
Austrian spies ; as it is pretty well proved that they are 
guilty, the least they can hope for is imprisonment. 

" It is a remarkable fact that money is more plentiful in 
Venice than in Milan. People say, with reason, that this 
money is supplied by the English government, and very 
probably by the Russian, too. Stocks are falling in London 
on account of the huge quantity of bank-notes on the 
market. 

" I have felt rather depressed lately while superintending 
the preparations for a war which will surely decide the fate 
of the world ; it makes me sad to remain passive — not as 

^ Massdna, Andr6 (1758-1817) : marshal of France, distinguished him- 
self during the wars of the Republic and the Empire. 

2 Jourdan, Jean Baptiste (i 762-1 833) : was also made marshal of 
France by Napoleon. He became Governor of the InvaUdes. 



PREPARES FOR WAR 129 

far as the preparations are concerned, for I am constantly 
attending to the matter — but to think that I shall perhaps 
have no share in the war, I have re-read Your Majesty's 
letter in which you give me cause to hope that I shall have 
a share in it, after all, and be near you if circumstances 
permit. Your Majesty knows better than I do how I can 
best serve you. Your Majesty also knows that it is neces- 
sary for me to complete my education in the military pro- 
fession ; in short, you must know that I shall always be 
happy to prove to you in one way or in another my very 
tender and very deep attachment for you." 

We find from a letter written by Eugene to his step- 
father, dated September 13th, that Massena had requested 
the viceroy to provide him with considerable sums of 
money, which he did with some trouble, for, although 
Napoleon was so prodigal of human lives, he was not so in 
the case of hard cash, and he was in the habit of examining 
each item of Eugene's expenditure. In order to provide for 
the huge army which was now marching east, requisitions 
had to be made — a cruel proceeding, no matter how care- 
fully it may be carried out. 

Massena, " the favoured child of fortune," as Napoleon 
called him, was not altogether without feelings of pity, for 
he said to Eugene, a propos of the said requisitions : 

" I will not allow the Italians to be treated as a con- 
quered people ; I will not allow their cattle to be taken from 
them : we have already seized their grain. They want their 
cattle to help them plough and cultivate the land." 

Those persons who were commissioned to carry out the 
requisitions seized the opportunity in order to line their own 
pockets at the expense of the unfortunate peasantry. In 
many parts of Italy vouchers were given in exchange for 
horses, conveyances or victuals seized, but these vouchers 
were not always paid upon presentation. On discovering 
this lamentable state of affairs, Eugene ordered his prefects 
to advance sums of money upon each voucher, the sum to 
be larger in proportion to the poverty of the district. 

Napoleon knew full well that his cousin, as he called 
Eugene before he began to call him son, was burning to 
deal a blow at the foolhardy Emperor who had dared to 



130 eug£ne de beauharnais 

excite the Corsican's anger, for he says in a letter to the 
viceroy's mother about this time : 

"... I will let Eugene do some fighting as soon as I am 
sure of Italy." 

The following letter may be said to contain the secret of 

Napoleon's success, not only in warfare, but in some of his 

passing love affairs, too — for instance, his liaison with Mme. 

Walewska : for a woman ever loves a masterful man who 

knows what he wants and intends to get it by force or by 

persuasion : 

" Saint-Cloud, September i6th, 1805. 

" My Cousin — I have received your letter of September 
nth. I have given orders that three or four thousand 
vehicles be requisitioned in the different departments of 
France. I think you ought to do the same for my armee 
d'ltalie. You must see for yourself that it is impossible to 
purchase horses and vehicles — such an operation would re- 
quire six months at least. In war time, horses and waggons 
belonging to the peasantry are always seized. I can only 
approve of what you tell me concerning this matter. We 
can talk of peace, but we must hold ourselves in readiness 
for war. 

" You tell me that you have made General Lacombe 
Saint -Michel borrow two hundred horses ; what good are 
two hundred horses ? If the Austrians were in Italy, they 
would not go to work so gently ; they are behaving in 
Venice as people have always done in time of war ; I don't 
know why you should feel any repugnance to do the same. 
I am surprised that the Minister of War has not opened your 
eyes on the subject. On all similar occasions horses have 
been seized. I did not purchase nine hundred waggons when 
I was in Italy : no ! I seized two thousand and took them 
as I happened to require them, which was very hard on the 
country. 

" You must not be frightened by the Italians' outcries : 
they are always grumbling. Make them ask themselves the 
question : ' How did the Austrians treat us ? What did 
they do ? ' Be firm with them. ... I wish you to remain 
at Monza. Be careful to keep the iron crown within reach, 
so that you can remove it unknown to anybody if necessary. 
In short, rest assured that, although I count upon Italy's 



NAPOLEON'S HABITS OF SECRECY 131 

support, her fate lies in my hands. . . . The day you leave 
Milan, issue a proclamation announcing my return before 
another month has elapsed. Be sure when I begin to show 
my hand to do the same in Italy. ... I think you had 
better have fifty thousand pairs of shoes made as quickly 
and as quietly as possible, so that you can send them to the 
army if they are required. Fifty thousand pairs of shoes 
will cost from two to three thousand livres in Milan, and the 
benefit which the army will reap therefrom is incalculable ; 
but you must have proper leather shoes and not cardboard 
things such as one usually sees in Italy. Pay great atten- 
tion to this matter, and be very strict. Take care to have 
them ready for vendemiaire if you think you can get them 
properly made. I suppose that the cavalry regiments are 
provided with boots ; if you hear that they need such 
articles, you can have a thousand pairs made. A few good 
coppers and some camping apparatus might prove useful ; 
have all these things prepared as quietly as possible, with- 
out the army knowing anything about it, so that you do 
not prevent them making their own preparations ; for if 
they find out what you are about, they will leave you to do 
everything. It is usually the shoes which give out in time 
of war. I think that the workmen from the Milanese de-pots 
who have lately joined the armee de Naples might make 
these shoes ; let them make a few pairs for themselves and 
then send the bulk of the shoes to Ancona, where the troops 
will be delighted to receive them. ..." 

Yet another letter from the Emperor — this time a letter 
of encouragement : 

" Saint-Cloud, September 22nd, 1805. 

"... Encourage Massena, encourage your officers ! You 
have seventy thousand troops in Italy — a third more than 
I ever had at my disposal when I was your age. The 
Austrians' bragging cannot deceive old soldiers ; they are 
too accustomed to it. Austria has not anything like seventy 
thousand troops in Italy ; her army is nothing but a collec- 
tion of odds and ends and cannot be compared to my army. 
I shall be at Strasburg on the 4th vendemiaire. Bessieres has 
already started." 



132 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Napoleon now decides to throw off the mask and let Italy 
see that he intends to humble Austria, her old foe. From 
Strasburg he writes to Eugene, telling him to draw up a 
proclamation to that effect : 

" Strasburg, September 2gth, 1805. 

" My Cousin — I desire you to write a proclamation inform- 
ing my subjects in Italy that I am now in Germany ; that 
Austria has been so unjust as to declare war against me, 
but that she will regret her folly ; that, no matter where I 
may be, I shall always care for Italy's interests and defend 
her, so she need have no fear. 

" Have it printed in your gazettes that I am with the 
army ; that it is on the march ; that the Austrian army 
has already begun to fly ; that terror and confusion have 
taken the place of arrogance and presumption. Do not 
mention that you are acting at my advice. Say that 
Prussia is arming one hundred thousand men, that she is 
marching towards the Russian frontier in order to awe that 
country. Do not mention the fact that hostilities have 
already begun — unless Marshal Massena has already begun 
similar hostilities in Italy — so that we may not spoil the 
commander-in-chief's plans. . . ." 

Napoleon probably owed much of his success to his 
habits of secrecy, to his reluctance to make his plans known 
to others until they were as mature as careful thought and 
minute calculations could make them. Were not many of 
his most important moves upon life's chess-board only 
known beforehand to those whom he considered absolutely 
devoted to his cause ? (Alas ! in more than one case he 
was cruelly mistaken.) Was not his sudden departure from 
Egypt and return to France in October, 1799, planned be- 
fore any of his immediate entourage knew anything about 
the matter ? And that other departure, that flight from 
burning Moscow, that most terrible page in Napoleon's life- 
history, a page so full of awful details of suflering that it 
blots out the memory of the valour and the all-embracing 
talents of the young General Bonaparte— as we like best to 
think of him — was not that departure only known to a few ? 
And the last, the most wonderful episode in the Eagle's 
career, when, returning from Elba to shake his pinions in 



EUGENE ISSUES A PROCLAMATION 133 

his aerie for the last time, he counted upon his sudden re- 
appearance on French soil to rouse his last remaining vieux 
gro guards, the soldiers who had fought under him in Egypt, 
Italy, Germany, Austria and Russia, to help him to re- 
conquer the throne of France, to which he had the greatest 
right — and full well did they answer his expectations. But 
it was not to be : Fate had turned on her wheel and wrenched 
the lock out of his hand which she had allowed him to hold 
for so many years. 

In obedience to his step-father's commands, Eugene now 
wrote a proclamation to the people of Italy informing them 
that their old enemy, Austria, had declared war against 
their Emperor by sending the archduke Karl^ to invade 
their country, that Napoleon had tried to avoid a war, but 
that he was now placed in such a position that he was 
obliged to take up arms in his own defence and in defence 
of Italy and Bavaria, both of which countries had good 
reason to hate Austria. 

At the same time Napoleon, in a brief letter to Massena, 
ordered him to protect Italy from the Austrian troops, and 
promised that when he had done with Austria and Russia 
he would come and assist him to rid Italy of any remaining 
Austrian soldiers. 

Eugene now gives us a vivid account of the troubles 

attendant upon war in Italy, that much-tried country whose 

two ever-hungry masters. Church and State, then as now, 

left her peasantry scarcely sufficient soldi to keep life and 

body together : 

" MoNzA, September 2gth, 1805. 

"Sire, . . . I continue to see that Your Majesty's commands 
are carried out. I have again written to-day to General 
Chasseloup^ promising to give him the money necessary for 

^ Archduke Karl of Austria (1771-1847): a distinguished Austrian 
general, younger brother of Francis II, who in 1796 forced Jourdan and 
Moreau to beat a retreat ; he was less successful when he had to deal with 
Napoleon, and he lost the battle of Wagram notwithstanding his bravery 
in 1809. 

^ Chasseloup-Laubat, Fran9ois, comte de (1754-1833) : came of an 
illustrious family of soldiers. He defended Montmedy against the Prus- 
sians, directed the attack against Maestricht, accompanied Bonaparte to 
Italy in 1796, besieged and took Peschiera, Mantua and Alexandria ; 
besieged Danzig in 1807, and Stralsund ; served during the Russian cam- 
paign, and was made count of the Empire by Napoleon. During the 
Restoration he became pair de France and marquis. He wrote some in- 
teresting memoirs. 



134 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

the fortifications ; however, I shall only be able to give him 
half the sum required ; he shall have the other half in a 
fortnight's time. The Italian treasury is unable to meet all 
the demands made upon it, but Your Majesty may rely upon 
me. I shall try to please everybody and have ever5^hing in 
readiness. However, it sometimes happens that I have to 
scold your generals ; for instance, this morning I received 
a letter dated yesterday in which General Chasseloup in- 
formed me that if he did not receive the money before 
October ist he would not answer for what would happen. 
In my reply I avoided alluding to the expressions contained 
in his letter, for it is not the time to quarrel over trifles, but 
I reprimanded him for only giving me two days' notice. ..." 

Hitherto Massena had refrained from resisting Austria's 
army of invasion owing to the fact that he had signed a 
treaty with the archduke Karl, by which he bound himself 
not to take the offensive. However, matters had got to such 
a pitch that, on October 8th, he wrote to inform Napoleon 
that he was breaking the said treaty and that he hoped, be- 
fore many weeks had elapsed, to clear Italy of her invaders. 

A week later Eugene learnt from his step-father that he 
was sending Jourdan to help him in the difficult task of 
clearing Italy of the Austrian troops, and at the same time 
he informed him of his victory over Mack^ at Ulm. Eugene 

^^P^i^^ • " MONZA, October i^th, 1805. 

" Sire — Last night I received the good news of Your 
Majesty's first victory from M. Maret^ and M. de Talleyrand. 

1 Mack, Charles (1752-182 8) : a celebrated Austrian general, distin- 
guished himself during many campaigns, notably during the campaign 
of the Netherlands against France in 1792 and 1793 ; in 1798, he was sent 
to Naples by the Emperor of Germany to command the Neapohtan army 
which was marching against France. He was beaten by Macdonald and 
Championnet and taken prisoner. While prisoner upon parole in Paris, 
he escaped. In 1805 he was besieged by Napoleon in Ulm and forced to 
surrender, together with his thirty thousand troops. He was condemned 
to death ; however, his sentence was commuted ; he was kept two 
years imprisoned in the fortress of Spielberg and liberated in 18 19. 

* Maret, Hugues Bernard (1763-1839): the son of a physician, began 
hfe as a lawyer, went to Versailles in 1789, where he edited the bulletins 
of the AssembUe nationale. When going to Naples to take up his post as 
ambassador in that city, he was captured by the Austrians and kept 
in prison until 1795, when he was exchanged for the daughter of 
Louis XVI. Napoleon made him his confidant ; he accompanied him 
on all his campaigns. He was made due de Bassano in 1811. The Bour- 
bons exiled him, but he returned to France in 1820. Louis-Philippe made 
him pair de France and thus won his support. 



HIS STEP-FATHER'S SUCCESSES 135 

I immediately informed the municipal authorities of the 
same. I read the despatch this morning to the Council of 
State and to-morrow it shall be in all the newspapers. 

" Massena and his troops are longing to attack the enemy. 

" The truce will be broken at midday to-day, and I do 
not think it will be long before they measure swords. As 
for me, Your Majesty does justice to my feehngs ; you know 
how glad I am to have news of you. I study the maps and 
endeavour to follow on paper the great and wonderful move- 
ments of Your Majesty's army ; but I still regret that I am 
so far away. ..." 

Eugene was fated to get into hot water ; this time his 
step-father scolds him for some supposed indiscretion in 
showing his letters to people who had no business to see 

^^^^ ■ " Elchingen, October 20th, 1805, 

" My Cousin — I am surprised to learn that the Imperial 
treasurer has been showing people some of my letters to you. 
It is all your fault ; you ought only to have sent him ex- 
tracts from those letters. You must show my letters to 
nobody ; take care that this does not happen again." 

Napoleon's next letter to his " cousin " contains a short 
account of his rapid successes in Austria : 

" Haag, near Wels, November ^th, 1805. 

" My Cousin — I am taking steps to stop the armee d'ltalie 
pillaging : you yourself must make one or two examples. 
I am grateful to M. de Breme for keeping at his post ; a 
good statesman is necessary above all things. You will 
have seen in the bulletins that I have been at Salzburg and 
at Linz. When you get this letter I shall be within a few 
days' march of Vienna. The Russian troops are already 
showing signs of giving in. The cold here is very severe for 
the season ; the country is already covered with snow. 
Order Te Deums to be sung in all the churches in Italy as a 
thanksgiving for our success ; you can take your time about 
the matter, however, until the armee d'ltalie has won a few 
more victories. 

" I give you full power to supply the Minister of War 
with funds and to act for me in all matters. My hands are 



136 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

too full to attend to everything. Do your best according to 
your own views until I return to Paris. , . ." 

At first the archduke Karl had tried to resist, but he was 
soon forced to beat a retreat from the province of Verona. 
One of the bravest soldiers among the Austrian troops was 
a Frenchman, a prince and a member of the de Rohan 
family : Roi ne puis, due ne daigne, Rohan suis. 

During the battle of Castelfranco, a French victory thanks 
to General Gouvion Saint-Cyr, the Prince de Rohan, although 
covered with wounds, refused to surrender until positively 
forced to do so. Eugene, on hearing of the prince's bravery, 
sent his own surgeon to attend to the prisoner's wounds and 
promised to allow him to return to Austria as soon as he 
was able to travel, provided that he would give him his 
word of honour not to fight against France again. It is 
doubtful whether the Emperor would have approved of 
this act of clemency ; he would have probably kept him 
prisoner and meted out to him the same treatment which 
he had already meted out to a distant relative of the 
Prince de Rohan — the due d'Enghien. 

No sooner had General Gouvion Saint-Cyr, commander- 
in-chief of the armee d' Italic, left Naples in order to join 
Massena and fight the Austrians, when the Neapolitans sum- 
moned the English and Russian fleets, then anchored off 
Corfu, to come and assist them repulse the French, should 
the latter be successful and desire to return to that town. 
On November 19th, twelve men-of-war, together with a 
number of transport -ships, entered the bay of Naples, and 
on the morrow the English and Russian troops, numbering 
twenty thousand men, landed and were quartered in Naples 
itself and in the neighbouring town of Portici. 

Napoleon's uncle. Cardinal Fesch,^ who was then in Rome 
and who had lately been given the title of count, on learning 
this news on November 23rd from a Neapolitan republican, 
hastened to inform Eugene's cousin, M. de Beauharnais, at 
that time Minister at Florence, of what had happened ; 
before twenty-four hours had elapsed, the viceroy heard of 

^ Fesch, Joseph (1763-1839): born at Ajaccio, uncle to Napoleon, was 
made archbishop of Lyons and then cardinal. He presided at the 
Council of Prelates in Paris in 1811. 



HIS STEP-FATHER'S SUCCESSES 137 

the Neapolitans' treachery. He must have remembered his 
step-father's opinion of the Itahan nation. 

Eugene took immediate measures to protect his kingdom 
from the enemy ; each of the four departments was ordered 
to furnish from five hundred to one thousand men, and a 
camp of national guards was formed at Bologna. With what 
pride Eugene now reviewed his troops outside the latter city 
on December 15th ! On the morrow he received the follow- 
ing letter from M. Alquier, French ambassador in Rome : 

" Rome, December 12th, 1805. 

" Monseigneur — I have just heard from a very sure source 
in Naples that, on December 9th, eight thousand Russian 
and English troops started in order to take up their position 
at San Germano and other places in the environs. A great 
number of Neapolitan troops have already started for 
Pescara and have reached the borders of the Abruzzi. 

" M. de Damas^ fills the position of quartermaster- 
general under the orders of M. de Lascy. The English re- 
main independent under the command of General Craio. . . . 

" A corps of special constables is being formed in Naples ; 
this corps, which is to number ten thousand members, is 
destined, under the command of the duke of Ascali, chief 
of the police force, to maintain order in the capital and its 
environs. 

" M. de Lascy and the English Minister (Acton^) have 
promised the Queen that twenty-five thousand Russian and 
ten thousand English troops shall come to the rescue of the 
kingdom of Naples ; they added, however, that she mast 
not expect these troops before next spring. . . . 

" The Spanish charge d'affaires informs me that all the 
French vessels moored in different parts of the two king- 
doms have just been seized. 

1 Damas, Roger, comte de ( 1765-182 3): entered the French army at 
twelve years of age with the rank of officer, went to Russia, where he 
distinguished himself in the war against the Turks (1787). He then 
joined the emigres and fought with them against his own country from 
1793 to 1798, served under the King of Naples against the army of the 
Republic and beat a remarkable retreat in Calabria ; he returned 
to France with the Bourbons, and was made lieutenant-general and 
deputy (18 1 5). 

^ Acton, Joseph (1737-1808) : was born in France of an Irish father, 
first served in the French navy, then in Tuscany and in Naples, where he 
became the Queen of Naples' favourite ; he was made Minister of the 
Marine by the King and given various other remunerative posts. His 
reign of glory came to an end in 1805 ; he died in Sicily in 1808. 



138 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

" The French residents, terrified at the determined be- 
haviour of the Court, and having learnt by certain bloody 
deeds in the past what to expect in the future, are leaving 
the kingdom, and great numbers of refugees have already 
arrived in Rome. 

" News has reached Naples that rear-admiral Dumanoir, 
while withdrawing after the battle of Cadiz with the vessels 
which he had just captured, met a fleet of English ships bear- 
ing two infantry regiments bound for the kingdom of Naples, 
which fleet he promptly seized and took to a Spanish port " 

On December i8th, Eugene gave orders for his troops at 
Bologna to advance towards the Adige in the direction of 
Verona, so as to check the Tyrolese and leave the way open 
to other troops coming from Modena and Reggio, 

The news of the battle of Austerlitz, called " the Battle 
of the Three Emperors," on account of the three Emperors 
who took part in it, and of the armistice of December 6th, 
was received by Eugene with mingled feelings of regret and 
pride. The signing of the Treaty of Presburg now put a 
stop to war in Italy — for the present, at least — and also to 
Eugene's dreams of winning fresh laurels for himself. How- 
ever, he was somewhat consoled by the good news that his 
step-father, as a mark of his esteem and affection, had 
confided to him the post of commander-in-chief of the 
aymee d'ltalie. In future the Venetian States were to belong 
to the kingdom of Italy. As we have already seen, Eugene 
had experienced great difficulties during the last few months ; 
the task of victualling the huge armee d'ltalie in such a 
poverty-stricken country as Italy was arduous. Napoleon 
does not seem to have realized this fact ; at all events, he 
expected Eugene to see that everything went straight and 
that nothing was wanting. But now Eugene was amply re- 
warded for all his trouble and anxiety.. Never did an 
appointment give greater satisfaction to its receiver : was 
it not far better to be the commander of this vast army than 
to imagine himself a king, a king whose hands were always 
tied, who had to play second fiddle to an Emperor ? 

The viceroy, still viceroy but now content to be such, 
left Bologna and went to Padua on December 23rd, where 
he issued a proclamation informing the army that the 
Emperor had chosen him to be its commander-in-chief. 



" GHIRALDINA " 139 

We will now turn aside from this record of political events 
and open a curious old book entitled Les aides-de-camp 
de VEmpereuY, by Emile de Saint-Hilaire ; there is not 
much information in it, as far as history goes, but it con- 
tains five or six authentic anecdotes connected with Napo- 
leon's military career, which anecdotes have been pieced 
together and woven into two volumes of pleasant little tales, 
sentimental, old-fashioned, no doubt, but nevertheless in- 
teresting. 

There had been some talk of a marriage between Eugene 
and the widowed queen of Etruria ; the project had fallen 
through, however ; the reason, perhaps, is contained in 
the following extract from the above-mentioned work, 
entitled " Ghiraldina " : 

" A year had elapsed since Napoleon had made his step- 
son viceroy of Italy. Milan, overjoyed to have as governor 
a prince possessed of so many good qualities, had become a 
gay and prosperous city, . . . Ghiraldina only obeyed the 
instincts of her ardent Italian nature when she fell deeply 
in love with Eugene. Often did she say to herself : 

" ' Why should I not become his wife ? ' 

" Poor child ! she forgot that, though princes have hearts, 
they cannot dispose of their hands in marriage. Napoleon 
had already chosen Eugene's companion from among the 
members of an old royal family ; but, as Eugene shared 
Ghiraldina' s illusions, he was in no hurry to obey his step- 
father's behest. 

" Besides the official communications existing between 
Paris and Milan, there was a secret correspondence kept up 
by the imperial police, in the meshes of whose huge web 
sovereigns and subjects alike were enveloped. 

" A certain major quartered in Corsica received secret 
orders to go to Milan. He was one of the handsomest men 
in the army. He was not only high-born and handsome, 
but he was also clever and well educated. He knew the 
language and customs of Italy, where he had lived for a long 
time. 

" On reaching Milan, he gave himself out as a victim of 
the Emperor. Eugene, who was slightly annoyed by 
Napoleon's determined desire to marry him against his will, 
condoled with the officer, whose position was not unlike his 



140 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

own, and promised to plead for him ; meanwhile he gave 
him a post in his household. This was just what the hand- 
some major wanted : the wolf was now in the sheep-fold. 
He did his very best to fascinate Ghiraldina, who at first 
only laughed at him, but little by little grew accustomed to 
his attentions. The major thereupon became still more 
attentive. He hinted to her that, sooner or later, she would 
be sacrificed to the Emperor's ambition ; he pointed out to 
her the charms of an union based upon equality of rank, and 
at last persuaded her to elope with him. The preparations 
for their flight were made with the greatest secrecy. . . . 

" One morning the viceroy was informed that Signora 
Ghiraldina had eloped with the major and that the couple 
had fled in the direction of Naples. . . . He believed the 
story and pursued them in hot haste. At each stage he was 
informed that a post-chaise containing a young Italian lady 
and a French gentleman had just passed by. . . . 

" Eugene reached Naples before he was able to overtake 
the post-chaise. At last he perceived it turning the corner 
of a street — his heart told him that he had found the fugi- 
tives ! 

" A moment later the carriage entered the courtyard of 
an hotel. The Prince rushed forward, lifted the veil conceal- 
ing the features of the faithless fair one, and fell back over- 
come with dismay : the travellers were not Ghiraldina and 
the major ! 

" The young lady settled her bonnet on her head and asked 
the gentleman who had treated her so cavalierly : 

" * Are you not the viceroy of Italy ? ' 

" Before the Prince could reply, she handed him a letter. 
Eugene broke the seal and glanced at the signature : it bore 
the major's name. 

" ' Monseigneur — I trust Your Highness will pardon me ; 
I have only acted in your interest. By proving to you that 
this woman is unworthy of your love, I restore to the 
Emperor his adopted son.' 

" Disappointment, combined with exhaustion, sufficed to 
remind the Prince of his dignity. In short, after a few hours' 
sleep, he returned to Milan and two months later became 
the happy husband of the Princess Amelia, daughter of the 
King of Bavaria. 



"GHIRALDINA" 141 

" The major and his conquest had hidden themselves 
meanwhile in the suburbs of Milan in order to escape punish- 
ment ; it was Ghiraldina's maid who had played the role of 
her mistress in the post-chaise when it started for Naples. 
The two lovers soon learnt in their retreat that the Prince 
had forgiven them ; they then went to Florence. There 
they gave themselves out to be husband and wife, but it 
was Ghiraldina's fate never to be united to any of her lovers 
by the bonds of holy matrimony. . . . 

" One evening, during carnival-time, the major left to 
join his regiment, abandoning his Ariadne in the middle of 
a ball. Ghiraldina learnt from a masquerader the full extent 
of her misfortune. At first she thought her informant was 
joking ; and, in fact, she imagined she could recognize her 
lover's costume at the other end of the ball-room ; but the 
wearer was a friend of the major, who had commissioned him 
to keep up the illusion until the conclusion of the festivity, 

" Ghiraldina finally resigned herself to her fate. She care- 
fully collected the jewels which Eugene had given her and 
went to Leghorn, where she opened a milliner's shop in order 
to support herself ; and when misfortune and sorrow came 
to the viceroy of Italy, when he was defending the country 
which had been confided to his care, he received from an 
anon3mious donor a considerable sum of money for his 
soldiers. It was Ghiraldina who thus returned to him the 
presents she had once received from him. 

" Eugene was visiting the field-hospital on the morrow of 
a great battle. Among the wounded soldiers was a young 
man who had fought most bravely and heroically. On be- 
holding the Prince, the wounded warrior tried, notwith- 
standing his weakness, to avert his face ; but a groan 
escaped from his lips, and this groan awoke an echo in the 
viceroy's heart. He quickly went up to the bed upon which 
the young man lay, pushed aside the slender white hands 
with which the latter had tried to cover his face, and in a 
voice choked with emotion cried : ' Ghiraldina ! ' 

" Tears gushed from Eugene's eyes and fell upon the un- 
fortunate woman's forehead. 

" ' I thank Thee, O my God ! ' cried she ; ' I thank Thee ! 
To think that he should shed tears for me ! ... I do not 
deserve such happiness \ ' " 



CHAPTER VI 

Eugene is ordered to marry the princess Augusta-Amelia of Bavaria — He 
starts for Munich — Napoleon adopts him as his son — The marriage 
is celebrated — Some wedding guests — -Napoleon's affection for his 
adopted daughter— The happy pair start for Italy — The welcome to 
the new home — Love of the Milanese for their vice-reine — Napoleon's 
opinion of the CathoUc clergy — He pays a visit to his adopted son and 
his bride — Eugene conducts his Court on the hnes of common sense. 

AFTER the victory of Austerlitz, Napoleon returned to 
Schonbrunn, from whence he wrote to Josephine tell- 
ing her to come and join him at Munich, the capital of the 
electorate of Bavaria. As this country had suffered con- 
siderably during the wars of the Revolution, and as Bavaria 
had been deprived of her possessions along the left bank of 
the Rhine by the Treaty of Luneville, Napoleon determined 
to make the electorate into a kingdom as compensation and 
as a reward to the Elector^ for having furnished him with 
troops on various occasions. By the Treaty of Presburg 
Bavaria obtained part of the Tyrol, a valuable possession 
to her. 

For some time past Napoleon had been looking about for 
a suitable wife for his step-son ; the marriage with the 
widowed queen of Etruria, as we have already seen, had 
never been anything more than a project. Napoleon, know- 
ing that the Elector Maximilian- Joseph had some unmarried 
daughters, determined to pay a visit to Munich, place the 
crown of Bavaria upon the Elector's head with his own 
hands and take a look at the young ladies to see whether 

^ Maximilian- Joseph (1756-1825): first Elector, then King of Bavaria; 
as France's ally he received Ulm, Wiirzburg, Bamberg, Augsburg, Nord- 
Hngen, and twelve other smaller towns. The Treaty of Presburg in 1805 
gave him part of the Tyrol and Austrian Suabia together with Breisgau 
and the title of King of Bavaria. MaxmiUan approved of the Confedera- 
tion of the Rhine in 1806, and three years later received Salzburg and 
Braunau. However, the fact that he owed so much to Napoleon's generosity 
did not prevent him joining the league against France in 1813. He was 
allowed to keep his new possessions after the fall of his benefactor. 

142 




(Photo : Stuffier Munich) 
MAXIMILIAN-JOSEPH, KING OF BAVARIA 



To face page 145 



EUG£NE ordered to marry 143 

one of them would make a suitable wife for Eugene. Now, 
one of the Elector's daughters, Augusta-Amelia by name, 
was at that time engaged to be married to her favourite 
cousin, Prince Charles of Baden. The portrait of this 
princess has been painted by many artists, but one and all 
agree that she was as near perfection as it is possible to be. 
She was fit, by her beauty, talents and by more durable 
qualities, to be the companion of the young Bayard. Mile. 
Avrillon says of her : 

" The Princess Augusta was very gentle and very amiable, 
and, what was more, remarkably handsome. An indescrib- 
able charm emanated from this sweet young girl who was 
not yet eighteen years of age. . . . She was very tall, well 
shaped and as slender as a nymph. She was gifted with a 
natural dignity which made everybody respect her ; her 
face was more handsome than pretty, and her complexion 
was remarkably fresh, although perhaps a trifle highly 
coloured. But the most pleasing thing about her was the 
air of kindness which won the love of everybody who had 
the honour of her acquaintance. These advantages were 
not all natural ; education had done much for her ; she had 
been brought up with extreme simplicity, and she always 
dressed remarkably plainly." 

This piece of perfection won Napoleon's approval. 

The Princess must have thought something dreadful was 
about to happen when, on Christmas Day, 1805, the hap- 
piest day in all the year in German-speaking countries, she 
received the following extraordinary letter from her father. 
From the fact that, although dwelling under the same roof 
as his daughter, he chose to impart his commands to her by 
letter rather than by word of mouth, we may be allowed to 
suppose that he was somewhat ashamed of his conduct : 

" Could I see the slightest chance of your marrying 
Charles, Prince of Baden, I would not go down upon my 
knees, my dear, beloved Augusta, and beg you to give him 
up. Still less would I urge you, my dear one, to bestow 
your hand upon the future King of Italy if this crown were 
not guaranteed by all the European powers by the conclusion 
of the Treaty of Presburg and if I were not convinced that 
Prince Eugene possesses sterling good qualities and that he 



144 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

can make you happy. You may thank the clique of Prince X 

and Mme. H for the fact that your marriage with Prince 

Charles has never come off. Remember, my dear child, that 
you will not only make your father happy, but your brothers 
and Bavaria also will rejoice to see this union. One proof 
that it is a good marriage lies in the fact that the baron von 
Thugut/ the Austrian Prime Minister, who, unluckily for us, 
has returned to the head of affairs, began by proposing the 
Emperor's 2 eldest daughter. It grieves me to wound your 
feelings, my dear, but I count upon your affection and upon 
the attachment you have always shown towards your father, 
and I am sure you do not wish to poison his last remaining 
days. Remember, dear Augusta, that a refusal would make 
the Emperor quite as bitter an enemy as he has hitherto 
been a kind friend to our house. 

" Spare me the grief of an explanation which might prove 
too much for my feeble constitution. 

" Write me your reply, or else tell your brother your de- 
cision. You may be sure, dear friend, that it is very painful 
to me to have to write to you in this manner ; but our more 
than desperate position and my duty towards the country 
which Providence has given me to govern force me to act 
thus. God knows that I only desire your welfare and that 
nobody in the world loves you more than your faithful father 
and best friend." 

It is not surprising to learn that the hand which wrote 
this letter, when disaster fell upon France, forgot to whom 
it owed its advancement. The reward for this ingratitude 
was scarcely worth mentioning : Maximilian was allowed to 
keep his title of king and the land which Napoleon had 
given him. Neither is it surprising to learn that this scheming 
papa, notwithstanding his " feeble constitution," lived for 
twenty years after writing the above letter. We rather sus- 
pect that he, like Emerson's heroine Elsie, " had caught 
cold coming into the world and had always increased it 
since." 

No historian seems to have thought it worth his while to 

^ Thugut, Franz Maria, baron von (1734-1818) : although the son of 
humble fisher-folk, rose by his talents to be Ambassador and Austrian 
Prime Minister. He was a sworn enemy to France. 

^ The Emperor of Austria. 



PRINCESS AUGUSTA-AMELIA OF BAVARIA 145 

tell us what the Princess suffered on reading this brutal 
letter ; yet she, judging from her model conduct as a wife 
and a mother, must have had a heart as capable of suffering 
as the poorest of her father's subjects. 
She replied the same day : 

" My very dear and affectionate father, they force me to 
break the promise I had given to Prince Charles. I will con- 
sent, though it costs me much to do so, if the repose of a 
beloved parent and the happiness of a nation are dependent 
thereon. 

" I put my fate into your hands ; though my lot may 
seem cruel to me, it will be softened by the knowledge that 
I have sacrificed myself for my father, my family and my 
country. I ask your blessing on my bended knees ; it will 
help me to bear my sad fate with resignation." 

And so it was that the marriage which had been on the 
tapis ever since the month of October and for which M. de 
Talleyrand, by his approbation, was in some measure 
answerable, was " arranged " — a particularly felicitous term 
in this case. The Empress Josephine, overjoyed at the 
thought that her son Eugene de Beauharnais was about to 
marry a real princess, hastened to Munich, where she arrived 
a few days before her husband. 

Napoleon arrived on December 30th, and on the morrow 
crowned the Elector King of Bavaria. He then acquainted 
the Senate of the fact that he now adopted Eugene as his 
son and that he was about to marry him. to the daughter of 
Maximilian- Joseph, the newly made king. He also wrote 
the following letter to his brother Joseph, telling him of 
Eugene's marriage and of one or two other unions which 
he was anxious to arrange for different members of his 

^ ' " Munich, December ■^ist, 1805. 

" My Brother — I have asked for the hand of the Princess 
Augusta, daughter of the Elector of Bavaria, who is a very 
pretty creature, for Prince Eugene : the marriage is now 
arranged. I have also asked for the hand of another princess 
for Jerome ; as you were the last to see him, let me know 
if I can count upon that young man to do as I wish. I have 
also arranged a marriage for your eldest daughter with a 



146 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

little prince who will be a great prince some day. As the 
latter marriage will not take place for several months, I 
shall have time to discuss the matter with you. Please in- 
form Mama of Eugene's marriage with Princess Augusta ; 
I do not wish the subject to be discussed in pubHc. . . ." 

Now, although this marriage afforded much satisfaction 
to the bride's father, such was not the case with his wife ; 
this lady — his second wife, whom he had married some years 
after the death of Augusta's mother — was strongly opposed 
to the match. Although the Queen of Bavaria was not 
exactly handsome, she was graceful and had perfect man- 
ners. With this lady the Emperor employed his well-earned 
holiday by trying to get up a flirtation ; but his attentions 
met with little response. However, Josephine, who was 
beginning to imagine she saw a rival in every member of 
her own sex, was sufficiently alarmed by what she noticed 
to wish to get away from Munich as soon as Eugene's mar- 
riage had been celebrated. She had another grievance : the 
Emperor had refused to allow her daughter Hortense to come 
to Munich for her brother's marriage. 

And there was yet another person who did not look with 
favour upon the projected union, and that person was the 
wife of the landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt,^ who, in a letter 
to the King of Bavaria, actually dared to speak of it as 
a horrible marriage, for which offence the Emperor very 
nearly deprived her husband of his possessions ; but Maxi- 
milian having interceded for the innocent landgrave, he got 
off with a very mild sentence — -Napoleon sent some of his 
many troops to occupy Hesse-Darmstadt for some months. 

We must now return to Milan, where Eugene was await- 
ing his step-father's summons to come and claim the bride 
whom he had never seen. In the following missive the 
Emperor orders him to start for Munich as soon as possible : 

1 Louis X, landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt: in 1801 was deprived of 
part of his possessions, including a portion of the province of Lichtenberg 
and some lands on the left bank of the Rhine, receiving as compensation 
the duchy of Westphalia, Mayence and a part of the Palatinate. On 
joining the Confederation of the Rhine in 1806, he exchanged his title of 
landgrave to that of grand-duke and took the name of Louis I. In 1813, 
he turned against France ; two years later he gave Prussia his possessions 
in Westphalia and received some territory along the banks of the Rhine 
in exchange. In 1816 he restored to the landgraves of Hesse-Homburg 
the sovereignty of which they had been deprived in 1806. In 1820 he 
gave his subjects a Constitution founded upon fairly liberal lines. 



HE STARTS FOR MUNICH 147 

" My Cousin — I am now in Munich. I have arranged your 
marriage with Princess Augusta. The banns have been 
pubhshed. The Princess paid me a visit this morning, when 
we had a long conversation together. She is very pretty. 
You will find her portrait on the cup which I now send you ; 
however, she is much prettier than her portrait." 

Three days after the arrival of the cup mentioned in the 
above letter, Eugene received another missive from his bene- 
factor : 

" My Cousin — You must start for Munich not later than 
twelve hours after receiving this letter. Try to get here as 
quickly as possible, so that you may find me still here. 
You must leave your command in the hands of some capable 
and trustworthy general. It is unnecessary for you to bring 
a numerous suite. Start at once, and travel incognito in 
order to run fewer risks and travel quicker. Send me a 
messenger to announce your arrival twenty-four hours be- 
fore you expect to do so. 

" P.S. — One hour after receiving this letter, send me a 
messenger to say which day you expect to arrive." 

The above letter is remarkable for the fact that in it 
Napoleon calls Eugene his " cousin " for the last time — in 
future he was to be his " son," until the birth of the eaglet 
caused the proud father to forget that the faithful Eugene 
had ever borne that precious name. 

Eugene, now in possession of the Venetian States and re- 
assured as to any further disturbances in Italy for the time 
being, wrote to his step-father announcing his departure : 

" January 6th, 1806. 
" Sire — I hasten to inform Your Majesty that I have just 
received your letter in which I learn that I shall soon have 
the pleasure of seeing you again. It is now eight o'clock in 
the morning, and I shall start at eight o'clock to-night. By 
Friday at the latest I hope to assure Your Majesty in person 
of my gratitude. I have chosen General Miollis^ to com- 

^ Miollis, Alexandre- Fran9ois (1759-1828): fought in America under 
Rochambeau, commanded the volunteers of the Bouches-du- Rhone in 
1792, was made brigadier-general in 1795, distinguished himself in Italy 
and was ordered to occupy Tuscany after the treaty of Campo-Formio 
(1797). In 1806 he was Governor of Mantua, where he erected an obelisk 
to Virgil, who was born near that city. In 1807 he occupied Rome and 
remained there until 181 4. 



148 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

mand during my absence ; but, as he is still at Mantua, I 
am now going to write him my full instructions upon matters 
concerning the army and the government of the country." 

It is not usually the custom for the bridegroom's relations 
to tell one another what they ought to give the happy pair 
as a wedding-present nor how much the said presents ought 
to cost ; but that was what Napoleon, who was always 
doing extraordinary things, did in a letter written to his 
sister-in-law, the wife^ of Joseph Bonaparte : 

" Munich, January 6th, 1806. 

" Madame my sister-in-law, for some time past I have 
been arranging a marriage between my son Prince Eugene 
and Princess Augusta, daughter of the King of Bavaria. 
The Elector of Ratisbon, the archchancellor of the Empire,^ 
marries them at Munich on January 15th, which ceremony 
will detain me in this town for a few days longer. 

" The Princess Augusta is one of the most beautiful and 
the most perfect members of her sex. I think it would be 
a good thing if you were to give her a wedding-present cost- 
ing from fifteen to twenty thousand francs. She will leave 
here on January 20th in order to go to Italy. The King of 
Bavaria will write to inform you of the marriage. Herewith 
I pray God, Madame my sister-in-law, to have you in His 
holy keeping. " Napoleon." 

On the morrow, January loth, Eugene reached Munich. 
Hardly had he set foot in the capital of the new kingdom, 
when Napoleon sent for him, made him sit down in his 
study and ordered him to shave off his whiskers, lest his 
martial appearance should frighten the charming bride 

1 Joseph married Julie Clary, the daughter of a tradesman in Mar- 
seilles, by whom he had two daughters : Julie (1801-54), who married 
her cousin, Charles Lucien, prince de Canino ; and Charlotte (1802-39), 
who married Charles Louis, the son of Hortense and Louis Bonaparte. 

^ Dalberg, Charles, baron von (1745-18 17) : prince-primate of the Catholic 
Church in Germany. He began his career as governor of Erfurt, and in 
1802 he became elector of Mayence, bishop of Ratisbon, and archchancellor 
of the Empire. He presided at the last diet in Germany ; at first opposed 
to Napoleon, he eventually went over to the Emperor's side and proved 
a faithful friend. Appointed president of the Confederation of the Rhine 
and grand-duke of Frankfort, he chose Eugene de Beauharnais to succeed 
him in the latter post. Remaining faithful to the Emperor's cause after 
Napoleon's downfall, he was despoiled of part of his possessions, but 
allowed to keep his bishopric. He was the author of several learned works. 




AUGUSTA-AMELIA, WIFE OF EUGENE DE BEAUHAENAIS 

From the portrait at Drottningholm. By kind permission of Messr?. Dodd, 
Mead and Co. 



To face page 14 



THE MARRIAGE IS CELEBRATED 149 

whose acquaintance he still had to make. And this was how 
it was that, instead of paying his first visit to his mother, 
as he would have liked to have done, he had to listen to his 
step-father's jokes concerning his whiskers, of which he was 
probably immensely proud. Josephine, always ready to 
take offence, burst into tears on learning that her son had 
arrived in Munich and had not come to see her immediately. 
She was still in a state of tearfulness when Napoleon came 
into her room and, pushing Eugene before him, said : 

" Here, Madame, I've brought you your great booby of a 
son ! " 

We search Eugene's memoirs in vain for any account of 
his first meeting with the woman who was in some measure 
his counterpart and assuredly worthy to be his companion 
on life's journey. However, all Eugene's biographers agree 
that it was a case of love at first sight, a coup de foudre, 
which was not, as so often happens, merely a flash in the 
pan, but a sincere and durable affection. 

The marriage was celebrated in the royal chapel on 
January 14th, 1806. The capital was brilliantly illuminated 
and the town-hall was decorated with the initials A and E 
in letters of fire surrounded by the words Corona Virtuti 
and suitable allegorical subjects. For a whole week Munich 
was given up to public rejoicings. The King of Bavaria in- 
vited all the crowned heads he could think of to witness his 
daughter's marriage with the Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte's 
adopted son. Among his numerous guests was the duke of 
Wiirtemberg, ^ so remarkable for his obesity. 

Constant gives an amusing account of what he saw at 
Munich : 

" Besides the heads which he had crowned with his own 
hand, the Emperor, while in Bavaria, met a number of 
princes and princesses belonging to the Confederation ; 
these guests usually dined with his Majesty. I noticed, 
among this crowd of royal courtiers, the prince-primate, 
who, as far as manners, costume and appearance went, 
differed in no way from the very best of his kind in Paris. 
But I cannot say the same of the toilets of the princesses, 

^ Frederick II, duke of Wiirteinberg : was, in the year 1806, given the 
title of king by Napoleon, whereupon he called himself Frederick I, king 
of Wiirtemberg ; his domains were considerably increased by the Em- 
peror's generosity. 



150 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

duchesses and other noble ladies, most of whom displayed 
the very worst taste. Their heads were loaded with the 
ugliest creations made of flowers, feathers, ribbons, gold or 
silver lace and, above all, quantities of diamond-headed 
pins. The German nobility drove about in great heavy 
chariots which had to be very big in order to contain the 
enormous hoops which these ladies still wore. This fidelity 
to past fashions was all the more astonishing because Ger- 
many, at that time, had the valuable advantage of possess- 
ing two fashion papers. ... To these wretched chariots, 
which resembled our old stage-coaches, very scraggy steeds 
were harnessed with ropes ; so far away were the horses 
from the vehicles that they could only turn round in very 
wide places." 

The marriage settlement had been drawn up by that 
astute statesman M. de Maret (the due de Bassano) ; this 
document had to undergo many alterations before everybody 
was content ; after having made over to the Princess a 
dowry drawn from the duchy of Parma, Napoleon changed 
his mind and promised to settle another and more suitable 
appanage upon the vice-reine. As was to be expected when 
so many persons, all equally anxious not to be slighted, were 
gathered together, many little disputes broke out among the 
guests. Mme. Murat, for instance, very nearly spoilt every- 
thing by her jealousy of the Princess Augusta, whom Napo- 
leon, two days after the marriage ceremony, publicly adopted 
together with Eugene, to whom he gave the name of Eugene 
Napoleon of France. Naturally, Augusta, as a bride and as 
vice-reine, had precedence of Mme. Murat at the numerous 
fetes which took place at the Bavarian Court. In order to 
avoid having to swallow this " affront," as she called it, 
Mme. Murat feigned illness. The Emperor was obliged to 
show his temper before he could bring his sister to a sense 
of propriety — civility was out of the question. The act of 
adoption of Eugene by the Emperor was proclaimed at 
Milan in due time, and two months later a decree was issued 
stating that- the heir-apparent to the crown of Italy would 
in future bear the title of Prince of Venice. 

Eugene, even according to his enemy Marmont — of whom 
a witty woman once said, d propos of his posthumous 
memoirs, that " he lay in wait behind his own tombstone 



NAPOLEON'S AFFECTION FOR AUGUSTA 151 

in order to fire upon his enemies, who could not retaliate " — • 
was a good young fellow at that time, " rather narrow- 
minded, but sensible in many things ; his talent as a 
soldier was mediocre ; he did not lack courage. His rela- 
tions with Napoleon had developed his faculties ; he had 
acquired those easy manners which important duties exer- 
cised in early life always give ; but he was far from possess- 
ing the talent necessary for the role which had been entrusted 
to him." Elsewhere the same author says : 

" He had just married a Bavarian princess of great 
beauty, a pattern of female virtue and docility. One must 
be peculiarly favoured by Fortune to meet such a woman, 
so accomplished in every way, when one makes a political 
marriage. Eugene performed his duties most zealously. ..." 

Two days after the marriage the young couple started for 
the country which was to be their home for the next few 
years. The Emperor seems to have taken a fancy to the 
young princess from their very first interview. He often 
wrote to his " daughter," as he called her ; we will now 
reproduce the first of those letters : 

" Stuttgard, January Tyth, 1806. 

" My Daughter — The letter which you have just written 
me is as amiable as yourself. The affection which I bear 
for you will only increase as time passes ; I realize that fact 
from the pleasure which I experience when I remember all 
your good qualities and by the need I feel of being assured 
by you that you are contented and that your husband makes 
you happy. In the midst of all my occupations, I shall 
always endeavour to make it my business to ensure happi- 
ness to my children. Believe me, Augusta, I love you as a 
father loves his daughter, and I expect you to love me as a 
daughter ought to love her father. Take care of your health 
on the journey as well as in the new home to which you are 
going ; rest whenever you feel the need of it. You have had 
a great deal to excite you during the last month. Remember 
that I do not wish you to fall ill. . . ." 

The Empress Josephine was more than gratified to see 
that her husband still continued to display an interest in 
her son's future. It was about this time that she wrote 



152 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Eugene the following letter congratulating him on his step- 
father's affection for him : 

"... Though Fortune continues to shower her favours upon 
you, I know that you will not allow your good luck to make 
you proud. The man who listens to the voice of his con- 
science is well protected. In acting thus, you show yourself 
the worthy son of him whose features you bear, whose 
conduct and principles you imitate. In the days of misfor- 
tune he was able to be brave because, in happier times, he 
had been thoroughly upright. The memory of a spotless 
life can sweeten the bitterness of death ; it sheds a halo of 
glory over the memory of an honest man. And such are 
you, my son ; as earthly grandeur does not tempt you, it 
is powerless to corrupt you. In the midst of honours and 
opulence, you will remember those days at Fontainebleau 
when you were poor, fatherless, abandoned ; but you will 
remember only to stretch forth a compassionate hand to- 
wards the unfortunate. I am delighted to learn that your 
young wife thinks as you do on the matter ; and as I have 
always wished you two to be of one mind, my mother's 
heart rejoices at this news. I embrace you both." 

In obedience to the Emperor's wish, the young couple 
went a little tour of inspection of some of the principal 
towns in Italy before settling down at Milan. Their first 
important halt was at Verona, where they arrived January 
25th, and where they found their whole Court waiting to 
welcome them. The Princess was introduced to her new 
subjects, and all agreed that she was the most charming 
vice-reine imaginable. 

After remaining in Verona for a few days, passed in attend- 
ing to business which had accumulated during his absence, 
Eugene and his young bride went on to Venice, where they 
were accorded a truly royal welcome (February 3rd, 1806). 
The viceroy and the vice-reine on leaving their car- 
riage," says Baron Darnay, " found on the banks of the 
first lagunes a deputation composed of twelve of the most 
notable men in Venice waiting to escort them thither. Two 
small boats accompanied their Majesties' boat, which was 
adorned Mdth all the luxury an Eastern mind could imagine. 
Silken stuffs, gold and silver lace, embroidery, plumes and 



• WELCOME TO THE NEW HOME 153 

feathers were seen everywhere ; flowers and aromatic per- 
fumes were scattered on every side ; numerous rowers, clad 
in silk garments, steered this magnificent barge with majestic 
niovements. The two other vessels, equally decorated, 
followed it. 

" Thousands of little barks, freshly painted for the occa- 
sion, rowed round and round these three vessels ; several 
were filled with musicians who performed different airs or 
blew flourishes on trumpets. Long and elegant gondolas, 
each manned by twelve gondoliers clad in different coloured 
silk costumes, rowed to and fro. The sound of drums, 
cymbals and cannons was wafted from the shore. The 
journey, which lasted nearly an hour, was enlivened by 
cries of joy and affection. ..." 

The Emperor had now returned to his good town of Paris, 
where he immediately set about finishing his task of pro- 
viding with suitable titles and possessions those of his rela- 
tives who were not content with what they had. But he found 
it a more difficult matter to please these amateur kings and 
princes than to conquer kingdoms for them. 

The comte Miot de Melito reproduces in his memoirs a 
conversation which he had during the month of January 
with Napoleon : 

" The Emperor, whom I saw at the Tuileries on the 
morrow, told me not to start until I had seen him again, and 
to come and assist at his toilette next morning. I therefore 
went there on January 30th at nine o'clock ; after having 
made me enter his study, he conversed with me for some 
time. I will here reproduce a summary of this conversation, 
the last I had with him during the time of his prosperity. 

" ' You are going to see my brother Joseph,' said he ; 
' you must tell him that I am about to make him King of 
Naples, that he shall keep the title of grand-elector and 
that I shall alter nothing concerning his relations with 
France. But warn him that the least trace of uncertainty, 
the slightest hesitation upon his part, will be fatal to him. 
I have somebody else in my mind's eye if he holds back. 
I shall call that person Na-poleon ; he shall be my son. It 
was my brother Joseph's conduct at Saint-Cloud and his 
refusal of the crown of Italy which made me adopt Eugene 



154 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

as my son. I have determined to give the throne of Naples 
to somebody else if he tries my patience too much. Family 
affection must give way to politics. I only consider as my 
relations those persons who serve me faithfully. My for- 
tunes do not depend upon the name of Bonaparte, but upon 
the name of Napoleon. I create children with my fingers' 
ends and with my pen. I can no longer love those whom 
I do not esteem. . . .' " 

Was it because he had ceased to esteem Josephine 
that he no longer loved her ? Poor Napoleon and poor 
Josephine ! 

We may be allowed to believe from the sentence in the 
above letter, " I have somebody else in my mind's eye. . . . 
I shall call that person Napoleon ; he shall be my son," and 
from the fact that Eugene, on his adoption, received the 
title of Eugene Napoleon of France, that the Emperor really 
had serious intentions about this time of making Eugene 
his heir. 

Eugene was soon to incur his adoptive father's anger 
again ; on this occasion he got a good scolding for extrava- 
gance, a fault which he had inherited from his mother, but 
which he managed to cure during his reign as viceroy. 

In a letter from Paris, dated February 3rd, 1806, Napoleon 
says : 

" My son, you have managed your affairs very badly in 
Paris. I have just been given a bill for one million five 
hundred thousand francs, representing works executed in 
your hotel here ; it is a huge sum. MM. Calmelet, Bataille, 
and the little steward whom you engaged are nothing but 
a pack of thieves ; I can see they have made such a 
muddle of the whole affair that it will be impossible to avoid 
paying very heavily. It pains me to see this ; I thought 
you were more orderly. You should never do anything 
without an estimate and a promise from your architect not 
to exceed that estimate. You have done just the opposite ; 
the architect has had his own way in everything ; huge 
sums of money have been thrown into the gutter. I have 
commissioned Berthier to look into the affair. Be more 
careful over such matters in Italy ; architects are the same 
all the world over." 



EUGENE AND NAPOLEON 155 

Two more letters, much in the same strain, followed on 
the morrow : » p^j^j^^ February 4th, 1806. 

" My Son — The Italians make use of very improper expres- 
sions in their addresses to you ; they do not weigh their 
words, and words should always be weighed. The only 
thing to do is to avoid printing their addresses. I wish you 
to adopt this as a rule." 

" Paris, February 4th, 1806. 

" My Son — I am astonished that you tell me nothing about 
your journey, nor as to what has happened in the Tyrol. 
Your wife has been more thoughtful than you. However, 
I wish you to write to me from time to time, so that I may 
know where you are, whither you are going, and what you 
are about, how you get on with your wife and if you love 
and esteem her." 

In order to exonerate himself from the accusation of ex- 
travagance and to acquaint the Emperor of his movements, 
Eugene writes from Brescia, where he stopped for a day or 
two before going on to Milan : 

" Brescia, February 12th, 1806. 

" Sire — Your Majesty has sent me two despatches which 
have wounded me deeply. You say that you are vexed that 
so much money has been spent over my hotel in Paris. Your 
Majesty will probably remember that I have not been in 
Paris for a long time and that, neglectful of my own affairs, 
I have given myself up to my duties, having no other ambi- 
tion than to obey and please you. During all the time I 
was in the capital I regulated my expenditure according to 
the allowance which I owed to Your Majesty's kindness. 
The works had already been begun when Your Majesty 
deigned to make me a prince of the Empire. I have now 
sent one of my aides-de-camp to Paris, charging him to 
bring me back a full and particular account of what I owe ; 
the amount, five months ago, was exactly what it is to-day, 
that is to say : I still owe from eight to nine hundred thou- 
sand livres. I myself made a great fuss over the sum, but 
it was too late to stop the works, which were nearly com- 
pleted ; in order to pay for these works, I determined to 
relinquish my salary as a French prince, that salary which 



156 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Your Majesty has the kindness to allow me out of your 
privy purse. While in Munich, I mentioned the matter to 
the Empress and begged her to obtain from Your Majesty, 
if possible before the month of May, the whole of my salary 
for 1806, so that, on my arrival in Paris, I might pay off all 
my debts. I have since learnt that Your Majesty, thinking 
that I had been cheated, has withdrawn your favours from 
several persons. It is my duty to tell Your Majesty that, 
as far as I am concerned, MM. Calmelet and Soulanger, to- 
gether with my architect, are quite blameless. I have known 
these gentlemen for many years, and the interest which they 
displayed in my family in less happy days emboldens me to 
beg Your Majesty not to be hard upon them, 

" The second reproach contained in Your Majesty's letter 
is too kindly meant for me to try to exonerate myself ; I 
dare to trust that you will interpret my reserve in the most 
favourable manner. I am happy, Sire, with the companion 
whom I owe to your fatherly affection ; she is gentle, 
amiable and good ; she is especially grateful for the kind- 
ness which she has received at your hands, and she will 
make it a pleasure to continue to deserve your affection." 

The young couple reached Milan on the morrow. The 
fact that Italy was now free from the Austrian yoke, com- 
bined with the belief that Eugene was destined to be her 
future king, accounted for the truly royal welcome which 
the Milanese accorded to their viceroy and his young bride. 
But they did not always show their enthusiasm in a very 
wise manner, as when, for instance, during a gala perform- 
ance at the Opera-house, the illustrious couple were repre- 
sented seated upon Olympus surrounded by genii chanting 
their praises while the actors and actresses knelt at their 
feet. This ridiculous scene aroused indignation in Eugene's 
breast ; he sent word by a chamberlain that it was reserved 
to the Almighty Being to receive homage, and that it was 
very unseemly for men to go down upon their knees before 
their fellow-creatures. 

And yet, notwithstanding these outward signs of affection, 
there were many who secretly chafed under the French rule. 

Mme. de Remusat says : 

" Notwithstanding Prince Eugene's gentle and equitable 



THE ITALIANS AND THE FRENCH 157 

rule, the Italians soon perceived that the conquest had 
given them a master, Napoleon, who appropriated for his 
own use the resources furnished by their beautiful land. 
They were obliged to support a foreign army at their own 
expense* The largest portion of their revenue was sent to 
enrich the French nation. In everything concerning the 
government less care was taken of their interests than of 
those of the great empire whose welfare was dependent upon 
the success of the ambitious plans of one man, who was not 
ashamed to force Italy to make sacrifices which he would 
not have dared to require of France. The viceroy often 
pleaded for the Italians, but he was seldom attended to. 
However, at first the Italians did justice to his character 
and really believed that he was not responsible for the 
severity which he was obliged to observe ; they were grate- 
ful to him for wishing and for trying to protect them, until 
Bonaparte becoming more and more exacting, the down- 
trodden people, unable to endure any longer, included all 
the French, with Prince Eugene at their head, in their 
hatred of the Emperor. I myself heard the viceroy, who 
always served Bonaparte most faithfully, although he was 
well aware of his faults, tell his mother that the Emperor, 
jealous of the affection showed by the Italians to his step- 
son, had purposely ordered him to oppress them in order to 
alienate the nation's affection, because he was afraid of 
what might happen if they grew too fond of Eugene. 

" The vice-reine also helped to win the people to her hus- 
band's side. Beautiful, eminently virtuous and charitable, 
she delighted everybody who came near her. She kept 
Bonaparte at a distance by her somewhat reserved air and 
very refined manners. He did not like to hear her praised. 
She seldom came to Paris." 

With all due respect to Mme. de Remusat, we cannot 
agree with her as to the relations which existed between 
Napoleon and his step-son's wife. Mme. de Remusat is not 
fair to either. Do we not find in a letter written to Eugene's 
bride only a few weeks after her marriage that the Emperor 
tells her that the Empress will soon send her the latest 
Paris fashions, advises her to read so as to store her mind 
with useful knowledge, and begs her to be kind to his sub- 
jects and to his soldiers ? His letter concludes with these 



158 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

words : " Let your purse be always open to the wives and 
children of the latter. You can do nothing which will give 
me greater pleasure or touch me more deeply." 

A few days later he sends her some books for her library, 
and a work-basket with this message : " Tell Eugene how 
I love him and how glad I am to hear that you are both so 
happy." 

It is scarcely to be wondered at that the Princess did not 
often go to Paris. She had two excellent reasons for not 
wishing to be a frequent visitor at the Tuileries : first, her 
duties as vice-reine and then as a mother soon forbade her 
leaving home very often ; and secondly, she dreaded lest 
the enmity of the Bonapartes for anybody connected with 
Eugene should spoil her husband's visits to his adoptive 
father's Court. 

Napoleon's letters to his " daughter " contradict Mme. 
de Remusat's assertions as to his indifference for the welfare 
of the Italian people, his compatriots, as we can almost term 
them, for Napoleon, in many ways, was more Italian than 
French — in character, in physiognomy, in his likes and dis- 
likes, in his love for bright colours and rich stuffs, in his 
fondness for Italian music, in his devotion to his family, 
although the latter virtue is quite as common among the 
French as among the Italians. In one thing, however, he 
did not resemble the Italians, for he had none of their blind 
faith in the clergy which has helped that unhappy nation 
to endure many of its troubles. The following letter shows 
in what esteem Napoleon, the restorer of the Catholic faith 
in France, held the clergy of that country : 

" Paris, February ijth, 1806. 

" My Son — Let me know your opinion concerning those 
persons to whom I had better distribute certain bishoprics 
now vacant. We must give them to those priests who have 
served me faithfully ; it is no good hunting up old cardinals 
who, if the occasion ever arose, would be only too glad to 
leave me in the lurch. ..." 

In his next letter, Napoleon tells Eugene that he has dis- 
missed M. Calmelet, the witness at his marriage with 
Josephine, for whom the viceroy had pleaded : 



EUGENE AND NAPOLEON 159 

" Paris, February 18th, 1806. 
" My Son^ — ^I can neither trust M. Calmelet nor your 
architect. It is ridiculous for them to say that one milhon 
five hundred thousand francs have been spent upon such a 
small house as yours is ; the works which have been exe- 
cuted are not worth a quarter of that sum. Be careful to 
do nothing without a proper estimate ; however, do not 
worry about your hotel, I will attend to the matter. You 
shall stay with me when you come to Paris." 

But Napoleon was to go to Italy before Eugene brought his 
young wife to visit the gay capital. Napoleon now announced 
his intention of coming to see how Eugene was governing : 

" Paris, Febr^iary igth, 1806. 

" My Son — ^Take care that your store of siege-provisions 
is not wasted. Do not have any biscuit made in Venice ; 
I have plenty in Mantua and in other Italian towns. Have 
a certain amount conveyed to Palmanova. . . . Take care 
that the supply in Naples is not wasted ; I shall make very 
strict investigations on the occasion of my next visit to 
Italy, which may be soon. I intend to travel post with one 
aide-de-camp and a valet ; I suppose that I shall find car- 
riages and horses at Milan." 

We are again reminded in Napoleon's next letter of what 
Mme. de Remusat says concerning his treatment of his 
Italian subjects : .. p^j^jg^ February 28th, 1806. 

" My Son — Aldini will send you the scheme for a decree 
freeing my kingdom of Italy from any indebtedness to 
France. Remember that I require a great deal of money ; 
recollect that, at the present moment, my army numbers 
five hundred and ten thousand troops, and that I have 
ordered huge sums of money to be expended upon my navy, 
that I am going to increase my army by one hundred thou- 
sand men and that I am about to tax France more heavily. 
As for my armee d'ltalie, you may be quite sure that those 
who assert that Venice can only furnish eight million lire 
are imbeciles. I know Venice better than they do ; she 
yielded Austria twenty-five millions, and she ought to yield 
still more in my hands. If you look into the matter, you 
will see that I am right. ..." 



i6o eug£ne de beauharnais 

Less than two months after her own marriage, Augusta 
learnt from the postscript of a letter from the Emperor to 
her husband that her ex-fiance was about to marry Eugene's 
pretty, sprightly cousin, Mile. Stephanie de Beauharnais : 

" P.S. — Tell Augusta that the marriage of Stephanie de 
Beauharnais, whom I have adopted as my daughter, is 
arranged ; that I am expecting the Prince of Baden to- 
morrow, and that the marriage will be celebrated imme- 
diately. Stephanie is very pretty, and the Prince of Baden 
is quite pleased with his bride, as is the margrave,^ who, 
since I paid him a visit, has behaved properly towards me." 

Did Augusta's heart beat a little quicker at the news that 
the man whom she had once looked upon as her future hus- 
band was about to marry another woman ? 

We find in Constant's memoirs an account of a remark- 
able speech made by the Emperor on the occasion of his 
visit to Venice, which took place early in the month of 
March, 1806 : 

" The prince viceroy and the grand marshal assisted at 
the Emperor's toilette on that particular evening ; while 
the latter was being undressed, I overheard part of the con- 
versation, which was chiefly concerning the government of 
Venice before the Venetian Republic became united to the 
French Empire. His Majesty did nearly all the talking ; 
Prince Eugene and Marshal Duroc contented themselves 
with putting in a word here and there, as if to furnish the 
Emperor with fresh topics and thus prolong the conversa- 
tion, a one-sided one, it is true, for His Majesty always liked 
to be cock of the walk and never left anybody else much 
chance to hold forth, . . . 

" On this occasion His Majesty discoursed of the Venetian 
States, and I learnt far more from what he said than I could 
have learnt from any history book. The viceroy having 
remarked that some of the patricians regretted their liberty, 
the Emperor exclaimed : ' Liberty ? fiddle-faddle ! there 
was no liberty for anybody in Venice in the old days, and 

1 Charles Frederick (1728-1811) : first margrave, then grand-duke of 
Baden-Durlach, inherited the estates of his grandfather, Charles-WilUam, 
in 1738. Napoleon made him Elector of the Empire in 1803 ; later, in 
order to compensate him for certain domains which he had lost during the 
wars of the Republic, he gave him the title of grand-duke, together with 
some valuable land and the hand of his adopted daughter, Stephanie de 
Beauharnais, for his grandson, Prince Charles of Baden, who succeeded him 



EUGSNE'S court i6i 

there never has been any except for a few noble families 
who oppressed the rest of the population. How could there 
be any liberty with the Council of Ten ? Liberty with State 
inquisitors ? Liberty with the lions, the dungeons and the 
piombi of Venice ? ' Marshal Duroc remarked that this 
severe government had been latterly much more lenient. 
' Yes, doubtless/ retorted the Emperor, ' the lion of Saint 
Mark had grown old, his teeth had fallen out and his claws 
were worn down. Venice had become nothing but the ghost 
of her former self, and the last of the doges considered that 
he got a rise in the world when he became a senator of the 
French Empire.' His Majesty, noticing that this remark 
brought a smile to the prince viceroy's face, added very 
gravely : ' I am not joking, messieurs. The Roman senators 
considered themselves of more consequence than kings ; a 
French senator is quite as good as a doge. I wish all nations 
to accustom themselves to treat the Empire with great 
respect and to treat even humble French citizens with con- 
sideration. I shall do my best to make them do so. . . .' " 

One result of Napoleon's visit to his step-son was to show 
him that the viceroy had done his best with the materials 
at hand and had managed to build up a very fair semblance 
of popularity. At last Napoleon seems to have been con- 
tent with his step-son's conduct ; perhaps he had not 
realized, before this visit, what a huge task he had given 
him to perform. With what pride did Eugene hear his step- 
father say in the presence of Generals Duroc, Lannes and 
Bessieres : " Ah ! I knew well into whose hands I gave my 
sword in Italy ! " 

Eugene's Court was conducted upon very simple lines ; a 
certain amount of etiquette was observed, it is true, but it 
was etiquette founded upon the rules of common sense. 
Intrigue was as rigorously excluded from his Court as it is 
possible to exclude such a potent factor in the lives of royal 
personages. The odious Italian custom of each lady having 
a cavaliere servente was abolished, thanks to Augusta's in- 
fluence ; she wisely chose her ladies-in-waiting from among 
the French and Italian nobility, so that neither nation 
might have any cause for complaint. Eugene also made 
many improvements in Milan, such as building schools, 
hospitals and other equally necessary institutions. 



CHAPTER VII 

Austria breaks her promises — Marmont earns for himself the title of due 
de Raguse — Eugene receives an invitation to take his bride to Paris — • 
He pays a visit to Istria — Description of a military hospital in the 
beginning of the nineteenth century — The armee d'ltalie is ordered to 
seize Civita-Vecchia — Birth of Eugene's first child — More trouble with 
the Pope — Birth of Eugene's second child. 

THE month of March, 1806, heralded fresh troubles 
with Austria, who, by the Treaty of Presburg, had 
bound herself to give Dalmatia to France, whose representa- 
tive. General Lauriston,^ was to take over this valuable 
province. On arriving in Dalmatia, whither he had been 
sent. General Molitor^ discovered that the Austrians had 
broken their promise not to remove their stores of ammuni- 
tion from the fortresses of Dalmatia — and this was not all. 
On March 6th, this same general sent word to Eugene that 
the whole coast, with the exception of the town of Zara, 
had refused to recognize the Treaty of Presburg, and that 

^ Launston, Alexandre Bernard Law, marquis de (i 768-1 828) : grand- 
son of the celebrated financier Law, entered the French army in 1 790, and 
served under the French flag in Germany and Italy ; he captured Ragusa, 
then followed Napoleon to Spain and Austria, and took an active part in 
the Battle of Wagram. In 181 1 he was sent as Ambassador to Russia. 
He again fought under the French flag in Russia and Germany, where he 
was taken prisoner. He changed his politics during the Restoration, 
and received as his reward the titles of pair de France and marshal. He 
commanded during the wars in Spain in 1823. 

- Molitor, Gabriel J. Joseph (1770-1849) : volunteered to fight under 
the tricolour flag at the beginning of the Revolution ; was made captain 
in 1791, fought and beat the Russians and Austrians in Switzerland. In 
1800 he commanded in Germany and the Tyrol. Five years later he won 
a victory for the French troops at Caldiero by subduing the archduke 
Karl of Austria. In 1806 he occupied Dalmatia with three regiments and 
managed to raise the blockade of Ragusa, in which town Lauriston was 
shut up, dispersing 11,000 Russians and Montenegrins with 1670 French- 
men. Commissioned in 1807 and 1808 to go to Pomerania, he pursued the 
Swedes right under the walls of Stralsund and forced them to surrender 
to him. For these services he was made count and given the sum of 
30,000 francs as a reward. The rest of his miUtary career is one of honour, 
which honour prevented him serving his Emperor's enemies and obliged 
him to leave the land of his birth. Returning to his native land, he was 
made Governor of the Invalides, a suitable post for such a brave soldier. 

162 



THE DUC DE RAGUSE 163 

numerous Russian and English boats were hovering about 
near at hand ready to assist the Austrians if necessary. 
Enghsh and Russian spies were in every corner of the coun- 
try. General Molitor addded that, three days before writing 
this letter the Russians had landed at Cattaro and, under 
the pretext that the French had not occupied Dalmatia 
within the forty days' delay accorded by the Treaty of 
Presburg, had ordered the Austrians to surrender all the 
different fortresses in Dalmatia to them. Luckily, the 
governor, being an honest man, refused to accede to their re- 
quest. However, an Italian, the marchese Ghisleri, thinking 
to put a spoke in the viceroy's wheel, had approved of the 
Russian invasion and reprimanded the Austrian governor. 
On March i8th Eugene wrote to Marmont, who was then 
at Udine and whose bravery and skill during this war won 
for him the title of the due de Raguse, a letter which cer- 
tainly ought not to have given offence ; nevertheless, this 
letter was the beginning of a coolness which eventually de- 
veloped into bitter enmity born of jealousy that a younger 
man than himself should have been so favoured by their 
Imperial master, and of anger that Eugene should have re- 
mained at his post to the very last, whereas he, Marmont, 
had surrendered to the enemy while there was still hope. 

" Milan, March 18th, 1806. 

" Monsieur le colonel general — I send you an extract of a 
letter written to me by his Majesty the Emperor and King, 
dated the 13th inst. He wishes his commands to be obeyed 
as promptly as possible. You will have to draw up a very 
detailed account of the subject about which his Majesty is 
anxious to learn ; you must then send it to me so that I 
may forward it to him according to his desire. 

" I am very glad to learn. Monsieur le general, that you 
are profiting by your sojourn at Udine in order to superin- 
tend the works which the Emperor ordered to be completed 
at Palmanova and Osopo. Kindly write me every week an 
account of these works, in which his Majesty is very inter- 
ested, and I shall thus find an opportunity to keep in touch 
with you. Whereupon I pray God to have you in His holy 
keeping." 

We will now reproduce a letter from Eugene to his step- 



i64 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

father, who had lately returned to Paris, in which he gives 

a graphic account of the strict watch kept upon, and of the 

treatment accorded to the English inhabitants of Venice 

during these stirring times — Venice, who had only just got 

rid of her Austrian oppressors and who was so soon to fall 

into their hands again, ,, ,, n/r i ^i o a 

^ Milan, March 2yth, 1806. 

" Sire — A few days ago an Englishman of the name of 
Graham arrived in Venice ; during the past year he made 
two journeys to London and back. I have had him arrested 
and searched ; his papers have been examined. We found 
nothing of importance either upon his person or at his 
lodgings. He has been set at liberty for the time being, 
but we shall keep our eye upon him. 

" I have taken this opportunity to give orders that 
M. Graham, together with about twenty other Englishmen 
now in Venice, shall be kept under supervision. I have 
ordered that all English subjects without exception shall be 
expelled from Venice, sent to different towns on the Conti- 
nent and subjected to police supervision. I hope that Your 
Majesty will approve of this measure. . . . 

" M. Charles Barsoni, brother of the Italian secretary of 
M. Bell, the English governor of Malta, left that island 
three months ago ; at that time the island contained from 
three to four thousand troops, mostly English, the rest 
natives of Malta ; the latter serve with a very bad grace. 
The inhabitants seem in general divided between their liking 
for the English and for the French ; those who are employed 
by the English complain of their harshness and arrogance. 

" During his voyage from Messina to Triest, this young 
man did not see a single English boat. ..." 

From the above and the following letters we see what 
strict supervision was kept over the movements of the 
different vessels cruising about in the Mediterranean : 

" Milan, March 28th, 1806. 
" Sire — Your Majesty commanded me in your letter of 
the 2ist inst. to give you an account of all the movements 
of the enemies' vessels ; by the last reports received, I hear 
that three frigates, of which two were English and one 
Russian, together with two brigs, were seen on the 15th 



NAPOLEON'S ADVICE 165 

inst. ; however, since the 20th inst., nearly all the men-of- 
war which were then in sight have entered the roadstead of 
Venice and only a few coasting- vessels remain outside. ..." 

Napoleon evidently considered his step-son rather in- 
cautious, for in his next letter he sounds a note of warning : 

" Paris, March ^ist, 1806. 
" My Son — Make the Venetian boats hoist the Italian 
flag ; you know that they run great risk of being attacked 
by the Russians and the English, so they must use great 
circumspection when venturing out of the harbour. ..." 

Knowing how well his system of allowing his adopted son 
to see service while still very young had succeeded, Napoleon 
now recommends him to let his younger aides-de-camp learn 
to trust to their own wings, and suggests that they should 
be sent to join the battalion of the royal guards under 
General Lauriston's command. We often notice that 
Napoleon seems to have taken more care of his French 
troops in Italy than of their Italian comrades ; perhaps he 
knew that the French soldiers were more liable to catch 
fevers than the natives. 

It was about this time that the Emperor, in order to re- 
ward Eugene for his efforts to govern Italy wisely and well, 
bestowed upon him the Order of the Iron Crown of Italy ; 
this reward Eugene certainly deserved, for he had worked 
hard and achieved much during his reign as viceroy. In- 
deed, the Emperor seems to think in the following letter 
that his step-son was inclined to work too hard : 

" Saint-Cloud, April 14th, 1806. 
" My Son — You work too hard ; your life is too monot- 
onous. Work is good for you, but you must remember that 
your wife is young and that she is now enceinte. I think you 
ought to arrange to pass your evenings in her society and 
to invite a few friends to stay with you from time to time. 
Why don't you go to the theatre once a week ? I think 
you ought also to hunt at times, at least once a week ; I 
would gladly defray the cost. You must make your home 
more cheerful ; it is necessary for your wife's happiness and 
for your own health. One can get through a quantity of 
work in a very short time. I lead a very similar life to the 



i66 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

life you are now leading, only I have an old wife who does 
not need me to amuse her, and I have more to do than 
you have. And yet I have more amusements and recreation 
than you ; a young wife needs amusements, especially in 
the condition in which your wife now is. You used to be 
fond of society ; you must go back to your old tastes. 
What you would not do for yourself, you ought to do for 
the princess. 

" I have just settled down at Saint-Cloud. Stephanie and 
the Prince of Baden seem fairly attached to one another. I 
have been spending the last few days at Marshal Bessieres' 
house ; we romped like children of fifteen years of age. 

" You are accustomed to rise early ; you must return to 
your old habits. It would not annoy the princess if you 
went to bed at eleven o'clock ; and if you finish your work 
by six o'clock at night, by rising at seven or eight o'clock 
you would still have ten hours in which to work. 

" The Cattaro affair will delay the fetes in May, but I do 
not think it will last more than a month. I hope that you 
and the princess will then come to Paris ; her condition 
will not prevent her undertaking the journey, provided that 
she travels slowly ; if the weather is fine, it can only do her 
good. . . . 

" As to the question of an heir, I am not in the habit of 
asking other people's opinion, and my Italian subjects know 
me well enough to realize that my little finger has more 
sense in it than all their stupid heads put together. I am 
now in Paris, where people are more intelligent than they 
are in Italy, where people learn to hold their tongues and 
to trust to the opinion of a man who has proved that he 
can see farther than anybody else ; I am astonished that 
people in Italy are not equally condescending." 

What a letter from the master of Europe ! 

On April 28th the Emperor acquaints Eugene with the 
fact that he now authorizes him to assume the title of 
Prince of Venice ; however, it was not until December i6th 
of the following year that this title, by a decree published 
in the Moniteur, was confirmed officially. 

The Emperor's next letter is brief, merely a word of warn- 
ing to the viceroy to be on his guard against the Russian 
Bear and the old enemy, Albion : 



A TIGHT REIN IN ITALY 167 

" Saint-Cloud, April 30th, 1806. 
" My Son — Be very careful to tell General Molitor to keep 
his troops well together and not to let them get scattered 
among the islands ; for if he is not careful I shall lose every 
one of them. . . . You can easily understand that England 
and Russia, who are now practically masters of the situa- 
tion, will always seize any islands within their reach and 
manage to hold them by landing five times as many soldiers 
as they find on the said islands. ..." 

Eugene continued to make many improvements not only 
at Milan, but in other towns in Italy ; at Bologna he built 
a school for poor girls which was called the Maison Josephine 
in honour of his mother ; he also gave large sums of money 
for scholarships, for the purchase of school-books, etc. etc. 
In Milan itself he endowed forty poor and virtuous girls in 
honour of the anniversary of his own happy marriage. 
Venice also shared in his benefits, for he was most careful 
to give her a government in accordance with her wishes ; a 
podesta was appointed, with nine savi to assist him in his 
duties. And this was not all, for by giving special attention 
to the irrigation question in the provinces of Padua, Venice, 
Ferrara, Bologna, etc., he proved himself a benefactor to 
the whole of Italy. 

Austria was now about to give Eugene an opportunity in 
which to show his step-father that he was competent to face 
the difficulties of making war in a foreign land with foreign 
troops to fight for him. That the Emperor, however, kept 
a tight rein in Italy is shown by the following letter : 

" Saint-Cloud, May 6th, 1806. 
" My Son — The Emperor of Austria agreed, on May ist at 
the very latest, to close the ports of Triest and Fiume, to- 
gether with all the ports along the Austrian coast, to Russian 
and English vessels. If this has not been done by the time 
stated, you must write to General Marmont and ask why 
it has not been done ; for it is my intention to occupy Fiume 
and Triest. You may threaten, but you must do nothing 
without my permission. You can have it printed in all the 
newspapers in the kingdom of Italy, and also in the Venetian 
newspapers, that the ports of Triest and Fiume will be closed 



i68 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

to the English and Russians until the latter choose to restore 
Cattaro." 

Hitherto General Marmont had worn a mask of civility 
when writing to or addressing Eugene ; but he now did a 
very mean thing, for he wrote to the Emperor complaining 
that his troops were dissatisfied, which state of affairs was 
caused by the viceroy having reduced their pay. A lengthy 
correspondence concerning this matter ensued between the 
adoptive father and his son ; of course, the latter got the 
worst of it. Eugene had to defend himself as best he could 
without letting the Emperor see that he, Napoleon, was the 
culprit owing to his constant demands for money — money 
for what ? For France, for his Court. For whom ? For his 
rapacious brothers and sisters, for Eugene's mother and sister. 

Austria's conduct in Dalmatia had been the source of 
much anxiety to Eugene. It is not given to all of us to be 
able to sit still and watch others fight and win life's battles ; 
obliged to remain at his post in Milan, only allowed to 
absent himself from time to time in order to take a brief 
tour of inspection, Eugene's lot was an unenviable one for 
a young man accustomed to an active life. 

But Eugene was destined to have trouble both at home 

and abroad. The savi of Bologna, whom he had allowed the 

people to elect, having refused to recognize his authority in 

several matters, the Emperor gives him a recipe which he 

knows to be infallible: ,, ^ ^ tit ^^701^ 

Saint-Cloud, May 26th, 1806. 

" My Son — ^I cannot understand the conduct of the savi of 
Bologna. I think they must have taken leave of their senses. 
I can only see one way to put a stop to their folly, and that 
is to send them to the right-about without more ado." 

In the following letter we find a terrible picture of the 
sufferings of the soldiers during the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century. The letter is written after Eugene's return 
from a tour of inspection in Istria : 

" Palmanova, May 2yth, 1806, 

" Sire — I returned from my expedition to Istria at three 
o'clock this afternoon, after having inspected all our maga- 
zines, barracks, etc. I have the honour to inform Your 
Majesty that I found the hospital at Capo in a truly de- 



A MILITARY HOSPITAL 169 

plorable condition. I will not attempt to describe what I 
saw there ; it suffices to say that nearly all the patients 
were either dead or dying. I was assured, however, that 
things were better there than they had been. General Seras 
is doing his very best. My short visit has already done some 
good ; there is no lack of drugs, but bedding, straw, etc., 
are very scarce. 

" I had to give the head surgeon a good scolding because 
he took the liberty to say, in the presence of the sick men, 
certain things calculated to alarm them. He said to me two 
or three times : ' Don't touch that man, he is infectious ! ' 

" Nobody can be blamed for this state of affairs ; arrange- 
ments had been made for an army of six thousand men ; 
that is to say, for a reasonable proportion of sick and 
wounded, but not for more. I saw eleven hundred sick men, 
four hundred of whom were going on very well ; more than 
one hundred had been given over by the surgeons. But I 
hope for better things from day to day." 

That Napoleon was still distrustful of his adopted son's 
talent for governing is shown by the following letter of 
special instructions concerning his treatment of the hated 
Albion's subjects abroad : 

" Saint-Cloud, June 10th, 1806. 

" My Son — General Duhesme^ is leaving the armee de 
Naples in order to go to Civita-Vecchia with the 4th Italian 
regiment and a regiment of Italian dragoons. Send a mem- 
ber of your staff to this general with orders from me to 
seize Civita-Vecchia and prevent the English holding any 
communication with this stronghold or with the coast ; he 
must seize all English merchandise, all English consuls or 
agents belonging to that nation ; he must allow no English 
subjects to remain on the sea-coast. He is to hoist my 
imperial eagle on the towers and forts of Civita-Vecchia and 
to leave the Pope's arms where they are. ..." 

Another letter on the same subject follows a few days later : 

" Saint-Cloud, June 21st, 1806. 
" My Son — I send you a letter from General Duhesme. 
He must seize Ostia^ — this is extremely important if we want 

^ Duhesme, Guillaume-Philibert (1766-1S15) : first commanded a 
battalion of volunteers during the wars of the Republic, was given com- 
mand of the jeune garde during the Cent- J ours, and perished at Waterloo. 



170 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

to prevent any English merchandise entering the Tiber. 
Give orders that, both at Ancona and at Civita-Vecchia, all 
English goods be confiscated. ..." 

It was a bitter disappointment to Eugene that his step- 
father had not given him command of the arm'ee de Dalmatie ; 
however, Napoleon showed his common sense when he made 
Eugene remain at his post in Milan. Stifling his vexation, 
the viceroy now turned his attention to Venice, which for 
some years had been in a very miserable condition as far as 
its commerce was concerned ; he declared the port free to 
all nations except England, that country being excluded as 
a punishment for her conduct in trying to spoil France's 
game in Dalmatia. Eugene visited Venice in person and 
gave orders for several men-of-war to be built for the 
French navy, returning to Milan in July. 

Early in September Napoleon announced to his step-son 
the important news which the latter had been expecting for 
some time, namely, the war with Prussia ; at the same time 
he told Eugene to be ready in case he should require his 
services, and to keep a sharp look-out over events at Palma- 
nova, Osopo and Vince, and especially on the Austrian 
frontier. In a letter written by the Emperor from Saint- 
Cloud he blames his step-son for believing all he hears : 

" Saint-Cloud, September i^ih, 1806. 

" My Son — I have received your letter of September nth, 
in which you inform me that General Duhesme has ac- 
quainted you of the fact that the English have landed at 
Fondi, It grieves me to see that you act too precipitately. 
I beg you not to meddle with the duchies of Parma and 
Piacenza. As to your idea about those eight thousand 
Spaniards, I can't imagine where you got it : the whole 
affair shows me that you are rather scatter-brained. This 
invasion is probably nothing but an inroad of a few brigands ; 
whatever or whoever they may be, you can do nothing in 
the matter. . . . You also acted too hastily when the 
Russians and English landed at Naples. You must keep 
calm and exercise greater sang-froid. . . . What would be 
the good of sending twelve or fifteen hundred troops there 
if the English have landed in such large numbers ? Don't 
you suppose that the King of Naples would have driven 



NAPOLEON ON HIS SUCCESSES 171 

them into the sea ? ... If the Enghsh had landed fifteen 
thousand troops at Gaeta, and if the King of Naples had 
been unable to make them beat a retreat, you would have 
only wasted your strength and weakened Ancona and 
Pescara. What good could you have done in the matter ? 
None at all. So keep quiet and wait for further news." 

As usual, Napoleon was right : General Duhesme had 
been misinformed concerning an important invasion of 
Spanish and English troops at Fondi, and Eugene had a 
scolding all for nothing. 

In October, Eugene paid another visit to Venice in order 
to see for himself how the vessels which were being built in 
that seaport were progressing. In this same month Napo- 
leon sends him news of his latest successes : 

" October 14th, 1806. 
" My Son — The Prussian army no longer exists. All the 
soldiers who fought at the battle of Jena (160,000 men) have 
either been killed, wounded or taken prisoner ; not a single 
man crossed the Oder. I am master of their fortresses at 
Spandau and Stettin. My troops have now reached the 
Polish frontier. The King of Prussia ^ has crossed the Vis- 
tula : he has not even got 10,000 troops. I am fairly content 
with the behaviour of the inhabitants of Berlin. I am send- 
ing the different decrees you require." 

A day or two later he sends Augusta word that her grand- 
mother has suffered no harm at his hands, but that her aunt, 
the Queen of Prussia, ^ " has behaved very badly." 

Where in modern history do we find a more wonderful 
record of victories so rapidly and skilfully won as Napoleon's 
progress through Prussia and Poland ? Auerstadt, Jena, 

1 Frederick William III (1770-1840) : King of Prussia, at first refused 
to join the different European coalitions against Napoleon, but finally sided 
with Russia. The victory of Jena opened the gates of Berlin to the Em- 
peror of the French, and the Treaty of Tilsitt in 1807 deprived Frederick 
William of half his possessions. In 181 2 he was forced to supply Napoleon 
with 25,000 soldiers, but he got his revenge when he and his troops finally 
entered Paris with the Allies. The last years of his reign were troubled 
by disputes among his clergy. 

2 Louisa Augusta Wilhelmina Amelia (i 776-1 8 10) : daughter of the 
duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz and Caroline of Hesse-Darmstadt, married 
in 1793 the Hereditary Prince of Prussia {see above) ; she and her husband 
were particularly happy during their union. She accompanied him on 
nearly all his military expeditions, and consoled and encouraged him when 
disaster fell upon him. 



172 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Berlin, Eylau, Friedland, Tilsitt — what pictures of mingled 
glory and horror these names awaken ! 

The year 1806 had seen one or two important changes in 
the geography of Europe : Joseph Bonaparte had been 
made King of Naples in place of Ferdinand I, king of the 
Two Sicilies, ^ who had sought refuge in Sicily ; while Louis 
Bonaparte, the husband of Eugene's sister, had been given 
the throne of Holland by his powerful brother. 

But Napoleon was being constantly harassed by Austria 
and England. As we have already seen, the port of the 
Pearl of the Adriatic had been closed to English commerce. 
In November, 1806, by a decree signed in Berlin on the 
2 1st of that month, Napoleon conceived a plan which he 
hoped would completely ruin England through her com- 
merce : he decreed the famous continental system which 
closed all European ports to English merchandise. He 
writes to Eugene concerning this system : 

" PosEN, December 1st, 1806. 
" My Son — You will have received my decree concerning 
the continental system. Take care that all letters written 
in English or by English subjects are read and confiscated. 
We must prevent all communication between England and 
the Continent." 

Napoleon was one of a numerous family of brothers and 
sisters, and some of those brothers and sisters now expressed 
the hope that he would allow them to have a share in the 
fruits of his late victories. Caroline Murat, grande-duchesse 
de Berg,* secretly hoped that her husband would be made 
King of Poland, for it was said that Napoleon intended to 
place a member of his family upon the throne of that dis- 
tressful country, whose sorrows have caused her to be 
likened to Ireland and Alsace-Lorraine ; while Josephine, 
forgetting that her son had already as much as he could 
manage in Italy, confided to her friends that she was con- 

1 Ferdinand IV, King of Naples (de Bourbon), or Ferdinand I, king of 
the Two Sicilies (1759-1825) : son of Charles III of Spain, was twice driven 
from Naples by the French ; his weak disposition was corapletely under 
the dominion of numerous favourites and petty tyrants headed by his -wife, 
Maria Caroline, and his English minister Acton. He continued to reign 
in Sicily, thanks to English protection, and was eventually able to return 
to Naples (1815). 

* Joachim Murat, for his services during the campaign against Austria 
in 1805 when he entered Vienna at the head of the army, was rewarded 
with the grand-duchy of Berg. 




5 s 



BIRTH OF EUGENE'S FIRST CHILD 173 

vinced that her husband would bestow the crown of Poland 
upon the faithful Eugene. However, the Emperor decided 
otherwise. 

Turkey and England now seemed about to go to war. 
Napoleon, as England's sworn enemy, naturally sided with 
Turkey, although the latter was not a very valuable ally, 
and despite — or was it on account of the fact that she was 
at enmity with Russia, over whose melancholy steppes he 
was longing to march his army ? He showed his sympathy 
by ordering Eugene to send one of his aides-de-camp with 
money and troops to Constantinople. 

Matters in Dalmatia continued in a very unsatisfactory 
condition until the following July, when the Peace of Tilsitt 
put an end to the viceroy's anxiety. 

During the winter of 1806-7 Josephine learnt that her 
son's wife was expecting to become a mother. This news 
was very welcome to the Empress ; the best thing that could 
happen for her, as she had failed to provide Napoleon with 
an heir, would be for her son to have as many sons as 
possible. On receiving the news. Napoleon wrote off one of 
his brusque but affectionate letters to the woman whom he 
considered one of the most beautiful princesses of her time : 

" My Daughter — I was delighted to get your letter. I 
thank you for all your kind messages. You are quite right 
to trust to my affection. Take great care of yourself in 
your present condition, and try not to give us a girl, I will 
give you a recipe, but I'm afraid you won't try it : it is to 
drink a little pure wine every day. Let us soon hear that 
you have got a fine boy. If you give us a girl, may she be 
as good and as amiable as her mother." 

The month of January, 1807, was spent by Eugene in 
putting the finishing touch to his task in Italy ; his already 
large army was increased by 9000 troops, which troops were 
raised by conscription. 

On March 14th a little daughter was born to the viceroy 
and vice-reine of Italy. General Anthouard was sent to 
inform Napoleon, who was then in Poland, of the child's 
birth, while Josephine, in Paris, learnt from M. de Marti- 
nengo, one of the viceroy's equerries, that she was the 
grandmother of a little princess (to be known in Italy as the 



174 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Princess of Bologna until Fate removed her parents to 
another land), and related to some of the most powerful 
royal families. M'^e can easily imagine Napoleon's dis- 
appointment on learning the sex of the new-born child. 
Did he not hold it all-important that his relatives should 
have as many sons as possible, so that, in the event of he 
himself never having an heir, he might leave his splendid 
possessions to a member of his family ? And, as we know, 
he included Eugene among his relatives, although Eugene 
was no blood relation. 

Nevertheless, on learning the news he wrote the following 
affectionate letter to the baby's father : 

" My Son — I congratulate you upon the princess's ac- 
couchement. I long to hear that she is going on well and 
that she is out of danger. I hope that your daughter will 
be as virtuous and amiable as her mother. Now you must 
contrive to have a boy next year. You did quite right to 
send me those papers. The Keeper of the Seals must send 
the certificate of birth to Paris, so that it can be inscribed 
in my family register. Send it to M. Cambaceres,^ who 
knows my wishes on the subject. Call your daughter 
Josephine." 

It is more than probable that Eugene and Augusta were 
quite as disappointed as the Emperor at the baby being a 
girl, so much seemed to depend upon the sex of this their 
first child. Who can tell what Fate holds in store for us ? 
Only a few weeks later, Hortense's first son, the pride of 
his mother, a strong, lively child, the child upon whom the 
Emperor had centred all his hopes, died of croup and was 
laid to rest in his little shroud, taking with him the last 
vestiges of his parents' mutual affection. 

Napoleon seems to have realized his adopted son's dis- 
appointment from the following letter, with its quaint post- 
script : 

" OsTERODE, March 2yth, 1807. 

" My Son — I was glad to get your letter of the 17th inst., 
in which you told me that the princess was in good health. 

1 Cambaceres, Jean Jacques Regis de (1759-1824) : jurisconsult, second 
consul during Napoleon's office as First Consul, and archchancellor during 
the Empire. 



MORE TROUBLE WITH THE POPE 175 

You must not hurry over the child's baptism. Let me know 
when you have arranged the matter and whom you have 
chosen to be godfather and godmother. You need not send 
any official intimation ; I have had it all arranged by the 
Keeper of the Seals in Paris." 

A postscript in his own handwriting says : 

" Is Augusta sorry she has not had a boy ? Tell her that 
when one begins with a girl, one always has at least twelve 
children." 

The little daughter was christened Josephine Maxi- 
milienne Eugenie, after her grandmother, grandfather and 
aunt. As soon as Augusta was strong enough to put pen 
to paper, she wrote a few lines of thanks to her husband's 
step-father for his kind interest in her and her baby. 

Napoleon replies : 

" My Daughter — I have received your letter ; not only 
does it give me great pleasure to see that you are really de- 
voted to the Prince (Eugene), but I am genuinely pleased to 
hear that you are so happy together. I know that you 
have suffered a great deal and that you have been very 
brave. Your very affectionate father," 

The months of April and May were spent by Eugene in 
making various improvements in his capital and in visiting 
Vicenza and Verona, where he reviewed his troops. 

Towards the end of March, Eugene, in consequence of 
the deceitful behaviour of the Papal Court and of many of 
the Italian cardinals, was obliged to report certain rumours 
which he had lately heard to his step-father. Although 
Pius VII had never forgiven Napoleon for forcing him, the 
Infallible Head of the Catholic Church, to bend to the will 
of " the Corsican bandit," the Holy Father was quite will- 
ing to keep friends with the viceroy ; indeed, Eugene and 
his young wife were rather favourites with His Holiness : 
did not Augusta belong by birth to one of the most religious 
nations in Europe ? Napoleon was furious on learning that 
the Pope, to whom he thought he had given a lesson which 
would last him all his life, was again thrusting up his head. 



176 eug£:ne de beauharnais 

In his anger he wrote off to Eugene : 

" FiNKENSTEiN, April yd, 1807. 

" My Son — I enclose you a letter for the Holy Father 
which you will kindly send to Rome ; if he says anything 
more after getting my letter we will ignore him. I shall 
take good care to make the Roman Court repent of its bad 
behaviour when I think fit to do so, but it is not the proper 
time to attend to such matters now. 

" P.S. — On second thoughts, I am not writing to the 
Pope. I am not going to argue with idiots : the best thing 
is to turn one's back upon them." 

However, as the Pope still continued his system of re- 
sistance, which manifested itself in a determination not to 
recognize Joseph Bonaparte as King of Naples, in a threat 
to appeal to the different European nations, and in taxing 
the Romans very heavily on a plea that the presence of a 
foreign army in Italy was a great drain upon the country, 
Napoleon wrote another letter : 

" FiNKENSTEiN, April 12th, 1807. 
" My Son — Reply to the Pope that you are going to give 
General Tisson strict orders to treat His Holiness and his 
representatives with every consideration. Take advantage 
of this opportunity to tell him that it would be a very good 
thing if His Holiness would kindly settle the discussion con- 
cerning the Italian bishoprics by giving investiture to his 
bishops. Tell him that I know all about the matter, that 
you yourself heard me say : ' So the Pope does not wish me 
to have anything to do with the bishops in Italy ? That's a 
nice thing ! Does he call that Christian behaviour ? ' . . . 
Tell him that your affection for him makes you wish him 
not to offend me ; that, owing to the secret hints of certain 
spiteful busybodies, every opportunity has been taken to 
annoy me ; that I used to esteem the Pope ; that his late 
conduct has caused me to change my opinion of him, and 
that not only is his behaviour very stupid, but it is dis- 
tinctly un-Christian. Write also to General Tisson that he 
is not to line his pockets at other people's expense, that I 
will allow nothing of the sort, and that he is to behave in a 
seem lymanner. Let General Tisson remain in Rome : 



DEATH OF LITTLE NAPOLEON 177 

priests are always dissatisfied, no matter who is in au- 
thority." 

We now find a letter to Augusta a apropos of her sister- 
in-law, Hortense, who had just lost her eldest child, the 
little boy mentioned on a previous page, the little Napoleon 
whom the Great Napoleon had loved so tenderly and whom 
the Emperor had chosen, shortly before the child's death, to 
succeed him on the throne of France, supposing he had no 

son of his own. „ ,. ^70 

June 20th, 1807. 

" My Daughter — I have received your letter of June loth. 
I thank you for all you say concerning the death of little 
Napoleon.^ His mother is unreasonable ; she grieves too 
much. We must be brave and learn to be resigned in 
matters which are beyond our control. ^ I am very anxious 
to see little Josephine, and I hope she will be like her 
mother." 

The death of little Napoleon helped to widen the breach 
between Hortense and Louis Bonaparte. The Queen of 
Holland had never really loved her husband ; she, with her 
energetic, over-impulsive nature, was ill-suited to be the 
wife of a nervous, retiring man like the King of Holland, 
It needed all her brother-in-law's powers of persuasion to 
get her to continue to live with her unhappy husband. 
During one of her long absences from her home, she, while 
pleading with the Emperor not to make her return to the 
man she hated, cried : 

" My reputation is tarnished, my health is ruined ; I can 
hope for no happiness in this world. Banish me from your 
heart, if you will ; shut me up in a convent ; I neither 
wish for a throne nor for fortune. Make my mother happy, 
give Eugene all the good things he deserves, but let me 
live alone and in peace ! " 

It was said that, on the death of little Napoleon-Charles, 
Josephine urged Napoleon to make Eugene his successor on 
the thrones of France and Italy. At her request Regnault 
de Saint-Jean d'Angely also mentioned the matter to the 
Emperor ; but the latter, probably recognizing Josephine's 

^ Napoleon-Charles, born 1802, died 1807. 

^ Does not this letter explain Napoleon's supposed apathy at Saint 
Helena ? 



178 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

hand in the ambitious project, had taken no notice of the 
hint beyond remarking to Lavalette that : " Eugene was 
too old to be chosen as his successor." And Eugene had 
another partisan in the person of Signora Letizia, that 
astute old Corsican lady who held the viceroy m high 
esteem and considered that he, in default of issue, would 
make a most suitable successor to her great son. But 
Napoleon was not in the habit of allowing himself to be in- 
fluenced by women-folk in political matters. 

July 8th saw the signing of the Peace of Tilsitt, after 
Napoleon's celebrated interview with Alexander of Russia 
on the banks of the Niemen, which treaty allowed Europe 
a little breathing-space, robbed Prussia of half her territory, 
created the kingdom of Walachia for Jerome Bonaparte, 
Napoleon's favourite brother, gave Prussia's Polish pro- 
vinces, under the name of the grand-duchy of Warsaw, to the 
King of Saxony,2 authorized Russia to take possession of 
Finland and Moldavia, ceded Corfu to France and left that 
country a free hand in the west ; it likewise put an end to 
the war in Dalmatia which had been going on for the past 
eighteen months, for Alexander, who had now joined the 
troop of Napoleon's fair-weather friends, ordered his soldiers 
to leave that province. While waiting in Padua for orders 
to return home, the Russian officers commanding these 
troops behaved in an extraordinary manner : they blamed 
the conduct of the government at home, reviled the French 
and even went the length of trampling Napoleon's portrait 
under foot in pubhc. They were encouraged m this con- 
duct by several wealthy families of Padua, who, strange to 
say preferred the Austrian tyranny to Eugene's easy rule, 
feted the Russian officers and applauded them for their 
independent spirit. But Napoleon took care to pumsh the 
inhabitants of Padua when, in the following autumn, he 
purposely avoided passing through their city on his way 

X Alexander I Paulowitz, Emperor of Russia (/777-x825^ was van- 

'^r^^n^Stk^lTuTm^^^^^^^ --ived as his reward for 

tTlllpTro"4trTupo\1hf ^^^^^^^ hi- - ^^Sr" 

of war (1813) and deprived him of a large part of his possessions (1815). 



MORE TROUBLE WITH THE POPE 179 

from Milan to Venice. Realizing that they had gone a little 
too far, the citizens of Livy's native town sent a priest 
named Cesarotti to plead for forgiveness from the indignant 
Emperor. 

" Sire," said the worthy priest, " the nobility alone are 
guilty. If the nobles of Padua will be idiots, must all the 
citizens suffer for their folly ? " 

The Emperor could not help laughing ; he promised to 
forgive and forget the nobles' foolish conduct, decorated 
their honest ambassador and increased his stipend to 4000 
francs. 

It might have been better if Pius VII had imitated Padre 
Cesarotti's conduct in braving the lion in his den. But, 
alas ! it would seem as if the Pope had determined, after 
having been too yielding, to thwart the Emperor in every 
way. His conduct produced another letter from Napoleon, 
who was fast losing patience : 

" Dresden, July 22nd, 1807. 

" My Son — I have read in a letter supposed to be written 
by His Holiness (which I am sure he never wrote) that he 
actually dares to threaten me. Does he think, then, that 
the rights of the throne are less sacred in God's eyes than 
the rights of the tiara ? Kings were instituted before Popes. 
The clergy say that they will let the whole world hear of 
the harm I have done to religion. Madmen ! do they not 
know that there is not a corner of Germany, Italy or Poland 
where I have not done more good to religion than the Pope 
has done harm — not purposely, but in consequence of the 
bad advice of certain narrow-minded members of his 
entourage ? They want to denounce me to Christendom ; 
such a ridiculous idea can only arise from a profound ignor- 
ance of the century in which we live ; they are a thousand 
years behind the times. The Pope who would do such a 
thing would cease to be a Pope in my estimation. . . . The 
Court of Rome has been preaching rebellion for the last two 
years ; it preached it at Lucca and, in fact, all over Italy. 
For long I have suffered for all the good I have done ; the 
present Pope persecutes me ; but I shall cease to recognize 
him if ever I discover that he is the author of all this bother 
and cavil. I would not allow another Pope to behave as 



i8o eug£ne de beauharnais 

he has behaved. What does Pius VII mean by saying he 
will denounce me ? Does he want to place my thrones 
under an interdict ? Does he want to excommunicate me ? 
Does he think that my soldiers' weapons will fall from their 
hands at his behest ? Does he want to arm my people 
against me ? And this infamous doctrine is preached by 
hot-headed Popes born for the curse of mankind ! The 
Holy Father, while he is about it, might just as well make 
me cut my hair and shut me up in a monastery. Does he 
think that our country has gone back to the ignorance and 
superstition of the eighth century ? Does he take me for 
Louis le Debonnaire? . . . The present Pope took the 
trouble to attend my coronation in Paris. I recognized the 
holy prelate in this act ; but when he wanted me to give 
up the legations to him, I neither wished nor was I able to 
do so. The present Pope is too powerful. Priests are not 
made to govern. Let them imitate Saint Peter, Saint Paul, 
and the holy apostles, who were worth all the Julius, Boni- 
faces, Gregories and Leos put together. Jesus Christ said 
that His kingdom was not of this world. Why does the 
Pope refuse to render unto Caesar the things which are 
Cesar's ? Is there anybody higher than Jesus Christ on 
earth ? ... Is religion founded upon anarchy, civil war 
and disobedience ? Is he preaching the doctrine of Jesus 
Christ ? The Pope threatens to appeal to the different 
nations, that is to say, to all my subjects. What will they 
say ? They will say what I say : that they want religion, 
but they will not put up with any outside interference ; 
that we will submit to the Divine Will, to the inspiration of 
a saintly anchorite, but never will we submit to the will of 
a vicar of God, an earthly sovereign who while pretending 
to attend to religious matters allows himself to be influenced 
by all the passions attendant upon human arrogance. Were 
he a humble anchorite he would only work for God, and 
would not be tempted by the demon of discord and earthly 
vanity. How blind they are in Rome not to reahze that it 
was I who re-established rehgion in France ; that I endowed 
the clergy. The Court of Rome wishes to make trouble in 
the Church, not to further the interests of religion. It 
wishes to make trouble that it may become all-powerful 
and enslave the public mind in temporal and spiritual 



MORE TROUBLE WITH THE POPE i8i 

affairs. I verily begin to blush and to feel humiliated when 
I think of all the affronts which I have had to endure ; and 
perhaps the time is not far distant when, if the Church con- 
tinues to meddle with the affairs of my States, I shall only 
recognize the Pope as the Bishop of Rome, as equal to the 
bishops of my States. ... I owe my crown to God and to 
the wishes of my subjects. ... I shall always be a Charle- 
magne, never a Louis le Debonnaire. . . ." 

The Pope was not the only person in Italy who dared to 

go against Napoleon. Notwithstanding the continental 

system, a great deal of English merchandise was constantly 

being seized in Italy ; for the Queen of Etruria, although 

she owed her possessions to Napoleon's generosity, allowed 

English goods to enter Leghorn. The Emperor determined to 

give her a lesson. ^^ ^ ^ , , o 

FoNTAiNEBLEAU, September 2gth, 1807. 

" My Son — English merchandise is constantly entering 
the kingdom of Italy ; some of the English goods seized in 
Leghorn came through Milan. It is time to put a stop to 
this state of affairs. Order all English merchandise to be 
seized and take steps to prevent any crossing the frontier. 
The only way to get peace is to wage continual war against 
English manufactures. A great deal of merchandise enters 
the kingdom bearing false stamps. It seems that the 
Italian custom-house is mismanaged." 

Eugene, ever anxious to avoid open war with the Pope, 
now readily listened to the French ambassador in Rome 
when that gentleman advised him to send someone to Paris 
who could explain matters and make peace between the 
Emperor and the Head of the Catholic Church. Eugene, 
knowing how obstinate the Holy Father could be on occa- 
sion, expected but little good to come of this interview ; 
indeed, he said in a letter written about this time to his 
step-father : 

" The Holy Father would rather allow himself to be 
martyred than listen to reason." 

Whereupon Napoleon replied : 

" Despatch some troops in the direction of Bologna, and 
then, if the Pope does anything foolish, we will deprive him 
of his States." 



i82 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

We may believe Napoleon's assertions that he wished to 
keep friends with Pius VII, but we can hardly think that 
the Pope did not wish to exasperate the Emperor when he 
chose Cardinal Litta, one of Napoleon's particular enemies, 
to go to Paris and negotiate a peace. Naturally, Napoleon 
refused to parley with a man who he knew desired nothing 
more than to see France humbled. Pius VII thought better 
of the matter, and eventually sent Cardinal de Bayanne, 
who was a favourite with Napoleon, to attend to the im- 
portant business. However, not all the interviews in the 
world can settle questions when both parties are equally 
determined not to give in. 

Napoleon now passes from threats to deeds. Towards the 
end of September Eugene receives orders to prepare to 
occupy the duchy of Urbino and the provinces of Macerata, 
Fermo and Spoletto ; Napoleon hoped that, by so doing, 
the kingdom of Naples would be released from its isolated 
position. 

We find in a letter written by the Emperor from Fon- 
tainebleau, dated October ist, 1807, that he had no better 
opinion of jewellers than of architects and Popes. 

" My Son — The Empress is sending the vice-reine of Italy 
a spray of hortensias^ in diamonds. I wish you, without 
letting the Princess know, to have it valued by some trust- 
worthy jewellers ; you must then let me hear what they 
value it at, so that I may know how much my jewellers are 
in the habit of cheating me." 

As we have already seen, Tuscany was in a very unsettled 
condition. Each month saw the discovery of a fresh plot 
to obtain more complete independence than that country 
had enjoyed since General Bonaparte occupied it in 1796. 
Eugene gives his step-father an account of how he treated 
the conspirators in one of the most important of these con- 
spiracies : » MoNZA, October gth, 1807. 

" Sire — I was informed about four weeks ago that a huge 
conspiracy was being concocted in Tuscany in order to 
undermine the security and peace of the kingdom of Italy. 

1 The hortensia was brought to France for the first time during the 
Empire and named after Hortense de Beauharnais. 



QUELLING REBELLION 183 

" I took the greatest pains to discover the ringleaders, 
their method of working and their object. 

" The result of my investigation showed that no con- 
spiracy existed at that time, but that some men already 
convicted of various crimes had enrolled themselves under 
the banner of four or five good-for-nothing priests deter- 
mined to make trouble in the furthermost departments of 
Tuscany whenever a favourable opportunity should occur. 

" I immediately commissioned some spies to get in touch 
with these brigands, and from them I learnt all I wanted 
to know. The ringleaders are the arch-priest Ricci of San- 
Martino-in-Ovillo, the arch-priest of Couvercelle, the vicar 
of Rocca San Calciano and a priest from Faenza named Lega, 
an old hand at the game. 

" Their agents were a number of brigands whose names I 
need not mention. Their method consisted of writing to a 
great many worthless vagabonds living on the banks of the 
Rubicon^ ; the four Tuscan priests had already got to- 
gether quite a large supply of fire-arms and ammunition. 
Their object was to bring about an insurrection on the other 
side of the Rubicon and to make it as far-reaching as pos- 
sible, to massacre all public functionaries, all persons devoted 
to Your Majesty, etc. 

" We have arrested all the guilty persons we could find 
in the kingdom. We are searching for the others. As for 
me, I continue to question those who have already been 
arrested and to superintend the search for those whom we 
hope to arrest." 

Napoleon, satisfied with Eugene's conduct but anxious 
to give him somebody to help him in his difficult task, now 
sent General Lemo\rrois2 to Italy with orders to take com- 
mand not only of the French troops at that time in the 
Papal States, but also of the Papal troops, with the title of 
governor-general of the legations of Urbino, Ancona, Mace- 

1 Rubicon or Fiumicino, a river in the Italian Romagna. This river 
is the ancient Rubicon which was the boundary between Cis-alpine Gaul 
and Italy. 

* Lemarrois, Franfois (1776-1836) : distinguished himself as Bona- 
parte's aide-de-camp at Lodi and Roveredo, was made brigadier-general 
in 1802, repressed the insurrection of Torgau, became governor first of 
Stettin, then Warsaw, and finally Rome. He defended Magdeburg very 
bravely in 181 3, was made pair de France during the Cent- J ours, and 
forced to retire from public hfe after the return of the Bourbons. 



i84 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

rata and Fermo. This measure was justified by the conduct 
of Pius VII, who refused to expel from his States many 
persons known to be enemies of France. 

In this same month (November, 1807) Napoleon sent 
word to Eugene that he was coming to pay him another 
visit. The Emperor left Fontainebleau on November i6th. 
On reaching the foot of the Mont-Cenis he was greeted by 
a perfect blizzard ; anybody but Napoleon would have 
waited to cross until the storm had passed. But Napoleon, 
ever impatient to get to the end of his journey, determined, 
as riding was impossible, to go on foot. Fie therefore 
started off with three ofhcers belonging to his staff ; the 
little caravan got along very well for some time, but at last 
Napoleon, unaccustomed to walking up-hill in blinding 
snow, was so exhausted that his officers had to bribe some 
peasants going the same way to help them carry their 
Emperor to the hospice on the top of the pass. In return 
for the hospitable welcome received from the hands of the 
good monks, their distinguished guest afterwards gave this 
haven of refuge several handsome gifts of money. On 
reaching Milan, November 21st, several days before the 
arrival of his ministers. Napoleon was accorded a most 
enthusiastic reception by the populace. 

It was a pleasant surprise to Augusta, who was lying ill 
at Monza in consequence of a miscarriage, when Napoleon, 
having invited the King and Queen of Bavaria and the vice- 
reine's sister, Charlotte, to meet him in Milan, came to pay 
her a visit and brought her whole family with him. 

The Em.peror left Milan November 28th, in order to go 
and see his brother Joseph, King of Naples. He travelled 
in company with his step-son, the Bavarian royal family, 
the Princess of Lucca,i the grand-duke of Berg,^ and the 
Prince of Neufchatel.^ After visiting several other Italian 
towns. Napoleon returned to Milan on December 15th, when, 
five days later, he went in state to a meeting of the electoral 
colleges, where, in recognition of Eugene's services and as a 
mark of his affection and esteem for the viceroy of Italy, 

1 In 1805 Napoleon gave Lucca to his sister Elisa as an independent 
State under the title of the duchy of Lucca and Pionibino. 

^ Murat was made grand-duke of Berg in 1806. 

* General Berthier, Prince de Neufchatel and Prince de Wagram, 
married a niece of the King of Bavaria. 



MORE TROUBLE WITH THE POPE 185 

he promulgated the 4th constitutional statute of February 
i6th, 1806, by which he adopted Eugene as his son, and 
appointed him, in default of legitimate or natural male 
heirs, to succeed him on the throne of Italy and confirmed 
to him the title of Prince of Venice, after doing which the 
Emperor returned to France. 

Here is the letter in which the Emperor thanks Eugene 
for his New Year wishes and sends him a present of a sword : 

" January ^rd, 1808. 
" My Son — I thank you for your letter containing your 
good wishes for the New Year. I send you, as my New 
Year's gift, a sword worn by me on the battle-field of Jena, 
I hope that it will bring you good luck and that you will 
win glory with it if ever circumstances oblige you to defend 
the fatherland," 

He could not have chosen a more suitable present ; for 
Eugene, during his three years' viceroyship, had quadrupled 
the strength of the Italian forces. And then his absolutely 
honest policy had set a good example ; he expected his 
subordinates to be as honest as himself. 

To Augusta, the Emperor wrote at the same time : 

" My Daughter — I have received your letter dated 
December 29th. I thank you for all you say. I was truly 
pleased to see you again. I hope that we shall have you 
with us during the coming year. The little princess of 
Bologna will then be considerably older and able to under- 
stand all my love for, and my interest in her." 

The Emperor's conduct in sending General Lemarrois to 
occupy the provinces of Urbino, Ancona, Macerata and 
Fermo was the last straw on the camel's back : the fire of 
enmity between the Head of the Church and the Restorer 
of the Catholic faith in France burst forth with renewed 
vigour. The Pope took his revenge by sending pedlars 
bearing seditious pamphlets preaching open rebellion to the 
different provinces administered by Eugene. The natives 
took the matter into their own hands and murdered any 
French soldiers imprudent enough to venture in lonely 
places after nightfall. Naturally these murders led to other 
murders, for the law of retaliation holds good in Italy as 



i86 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

elsewhere. At last Napoleon declared that the only thing 
left to do was to occupy Rome. 

On January loth Eugene received orders to send General 
MioUis to carry out his step-father's commands, at the same' 
time recommending him to observe the greatest respect to- 
wards the refractory Holy Father. Therefore, on February 
2nd, 1808, General Miollis occupied Rome and the castle of 
Sant' Angelo, the Marches were confiscated and the Pope 
requested to join the Franco-Italian alliance. Napoleon 
writes : " Paris, February 12th, 1808. 

" My Son — I have just received the news that my troops 
entered Rome on February 2nd, and that the consul and 
Queen Caroline's^ agents were arrested immediately. Write 
to General Miollis to seize the police, to treat the Papal 
troops with leniency, to take command of them and to be 
careful that they want for nothing, to expel the Neapolitan 
rebels, and the cardinals too, if necessary, and to send them 
back to Naples to their sovereign." 

The Pope was furious and showed his anger by scattering 
briefs and bulls broadcast, to which Napoleon replied by 
ordering twenty Neapolitan prelates who were then in Rome 
to return from whence they came. 

" Paris, March i^th, 1808. 

" My Son— You can allow the Neapolitan workmen and 
monks to remain in Rome as long as they behave them- 
selves. The cardinals and nobles must return to Naples. 
You must treat the former King of Sardinia ^ leniently, for 
he has now quite retired from business. You can tell him 
that he need have no cause to fear for his own safety." 

Little did the Pope care for all these futile efforts to de- 
stroy his old-established power. His next move was to 
distribute, as a rallying sign, a new cockade to his guards. 
But Napoleon was even with him. 

1 Marie-Caroline (1752-1814) : Queen of Naples, daughter of Francis I, 
Emperor of Germany, and Marie-Therese, the worthy patroness of Acton 
and Lady Hamilton, and one of Napoleon's many female pet aversions, 
caused her husband, Ferdinand I, king of the Two Sicilies, to fly from his 
kingdom on two occasions owing to her conduct. 

^ Charles Emmanuel II, son of Victor Amadeo III, had endeavoured 
to rule his people with a heavy hand ; he beheld his States occupied by 
French troops and incorporated in the French Republic in 1798. He 
abdicated in 1802 in favour of his brother Victor Emmanuel and retired 
to Rome, where he died in 18 19. His wife was a daughter of Louis XV 
of France. 



MORE TROUBLE WITH THE POPE 187 

" Saint-Cloud, March 2^rd, 1808. 
" My Son — Write to General Miollis to disarm any Papal 
guards wearing any uniform or cockade which they are not 
accustomed to wear ; have them arrested and imprisoned 
in the castle of Sant' Angelo. If the Pope tries to form 
another body-guard for himself, as rumour says he is going 
to do, he must be prevented. In short, he is to recognize no 
armed men or troops who are not under his command. ..." 

General Miollis was no less anxious than the viceroy and 
the vice-reine to avoid wounding the Holy Father's feelings, 
but it was a difficult matter not to do so if he was to carry 
out the commands contained in the following letter from 
Napoleon : " Saint-Cloud, March 2yth, 1808. 

" My Son — The Papal guards must be arrested. General 
Miollis did wrong to take the old cockade away from the 
Papal troops and make them wear a different one. Make 
them wear either the Italian or French cockade, whichever 
they prefer. Tell Miollis to be sure to see that my com- 
mands are obeyed, and to shoot down any wearer or dis- 
tributer of cockades, even if he happen to be a cardinal. 
General Miollis did wrong to fire a salute on the Pope's 
birthday ; for the latter has behaved so badly that he de- 
serves to be paid out in his own coin. Miollis must keep his 
troops well in hand, and he must repress the slightest 
attempt at revolt with gunpowder and shot. Kindness is 
thrown away upon cowards. ..." 

The Pope now produced his trump-card : he threatened 
to excommunicate the Restorer of the Catholic faith in 
France ! But Napoleon cared as little for excommunication 
as another crowned head — Henry VIII of England — had 
cared on a previous occasion. 

On April 2nd Eugene received commands to annex the 
legations of Urbino, Macerata, Ancona and Fermo ; how- 
ever, he was not to do so until the 30th inst., and he was to 
keep the matter secret. Eugene tells his step-father in a 
letter dated April 15th that he has heard from General 
Miollis that several nobles belonging to the Papal guard, 
having tasted the pleasures of imprisonment in the castle 
of Sant' Angelo for a few days, had begged to be allowed to 
doff the Papal uniform and cockade. 



i88 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

He adds : "I consented ; but I shall keep them in prison 
for another fortnight as a punishment for their insolence." 

The Pope, having got wind of the fact that the Eagle had 
seized some more of his property in its rapacious claws, 
wrote to all the different European powers a letter of protest 
against " the desecration of Rome by French troops." Alas ! 
he was only wasting his time. The different European 
powers were at that time employed picking up the pieces of 
their mutilated States or getting ready to resist fresh in- 
roads. 

On April 30th Eugene announced the fact that three new 
departments had been added to the kingdom of Italy, viz. 
the department of Metauro, with Ancona as its capital ; the 
department of Musone, capital Macerata ; and the depart- 
ment of Tronto, capital Fermo. 

A few days later he received a hint from the Emperor to 
keep a watchful eye over the comings and goings of the 
English in Italy, with orders to command all Italian sub- 
jects serving abroad to return to their native land. 

But Napoleon was now about to have his attention taken 
away from Italy. The Court of Spain had for long been 
the scene of scandal and family dissensions. The reign of 
the Prince of Peace, Godoy,^ the favourite of Charles IV, ^ 
had been anything but a peaceful reign ; matters came to 
a climax with the Process of the Escurial. The French 
troops entered Spain in March, 1808 ; very soon after this 
event a rumour was spread that Charles IV and his wife 
were about to attempt to imitate Louis XVFs flight to 
Varennes. It is hard to say whether there was any truth 
in this report ; anyhow, Godoy thought it best to resign 
his position as Prime Minister and prime favourite. On the 
morrow (March 19th) the world was not altogether surprised 

1 Don Manuel Godoy or Godot (1767-1851): the so-called Prince of 
Peace, favourite of King Charles IV of Spain ; during the reign of Ferdi- 
nand VII he took refuge in France, where he eventually died. He married 
the king's cousin, Maria Teresa de Bourbon. 

2 Charles IV of Spain (1748-1819) : was no less governed by his wife 
and that wife's lover, Manuel Godoy, than Ferdinand I, king of the Two 
Sicihes. After the execution of Louis XVI in 1793 he declared war against 
France, but was quickly worsted and obliged to sign the treaty of Bale. 
The disastrous wars with Portugal and England destroyed his prestige 
among the other European powers. Napoleon gave him his coup-de-grdce 
when he sent him to Compiegne. He passed the rest of his hfe in Mar- 
seilles and Rome, where he died. 



AFFAIRS IN SPAIN 189 

to learn that the King, unable to govern without the assist- 
ance of his favourite, had resigned his crown in favour of 
his son Ferdinand,^ whom, en passant, he had accused, only 
a few months ago, of trying to murder his mother^ and de- 
throne his father. Murat was on the spot ; he saw his 
opportunity and seized it. He occupied Madrid without 
more ado — which was just as well for Madrid, for Charles IV 
changed his mind on the following day and informed the 
Emperor that he had withdrawn his abdication. But 
Napoleon had lost patience by this time. He ordered the 
whole party to be taken to Bayonne ; we may be sure that 
they did not go willingly. He himself arrived there April 
15th. He writes to Eugene : 

" Bayonne, May 6th, 1808. 
" My Son — Enclosed you will find a pamphlet containing 
an account of what has lately happened in Spain. We shall 
soon have matters straight, however. King Charles has 
given up to me all his rights to the throne ; he is going to 
retire to Compiegne with the Queen and some of his chil- 
dren." 

He then goes on to say that the Infante Carlos^ is suffering 
from an attack of the measles, and he almost accuses the 
unfortunate creature of falling ill on purpose. 

"A few days before signing the treaty,* the Prince of 
the Asturias^ returned the crown to King Charles. The 
grand-duke of Berg is appointed lieutenant-general of the 
kingdom and president of all the juntas. An insurrection 
took place in Madrid on May 2nd. Thirty or forty thou- 
sand rioters assembled in the streets or took refuge in the 

^ Ferdinand VII (1784-1833): from his earliest years professed a 
deadly hatred for his parents' favourite, Godoy. This Spanish Hamlet 
was arrested as a conspirator by his own father in 1808 ; nevertheless, his 
father was soon after obliged to abdicate in his son's favour. On getting 
possession of the throne of Spain in 181 3, he re-established the Inquisition 
and generally distinguished himself by his anti-liberal opinions. 

* Marie-Louise (1754-1819): daughter of Philip, duke of Parma, com- 
pletely ruled her husband and was in turn ruled by her lover. After 
her husband's abdication in 1808, she resided chiefly in Marseilles and 
Rome, where she eventually died, neglected and alone. 

^ Don Carlos (1788-1855) : son of Charles IV of Spain, tried to get pos- 
session of the throne of Spain in 1834, but was unsuccessful. He retired 
to France, where he was shut up for some time at Bourges. He died at 
Triest. 

* By which Joseph Bonaparte obtained the throne of Spain. 
^ The future king Ferdinand VII. 



igo EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

houses and then began to fire from the windows. Two 
battahons of fusihers belonging to my guard and four or 
five hundred horse brought them to reason. More than two 
thousand rebels were killed. I had six thousand troops in 
Madrid who could do nothing. We seized the opportunity 
afforded by this riot to disarm the inhabitants of Madrid." 

History tells us how useless was this measure. But as 
Eugene had no part in Spanish affairs, we will leave the 
amiable Spanish royal family fighting among themselves 
and endeavouring to avoid falling into the power of Joseph 
Bonaparte, whose previous attempts at governing another 
and equally unruly nation had not been particularly suc- 
cessful. A -propos of Joseph's appointment to the throne of 
Spain, we will say that false hopes had been awakened in 
the breast of more than one member of the imperial family ; 
for Jerome, not content with the kingdom of Westphalia, 
would have much liked to be King of Spain. And then 
Josephine had her eye upon the kingdom of Naples for 
Eugene. 

The following letter, written to Eugene by his brother-in- 
law, Louis Bonaparte, whose third son, Charles-Louis- 
Napoleon, later Napoleon le Petit, had been born in Paris 
on April 20th, would give us to suppose that Louis was less 
inimical towards Eugene than the other members of his 

^ ■ " Amsterdam, May yth, 1808. 

" My dear Brother — The Queen (Hortense) will doubtless 
have written to you from Paris the news of her happy de- 
livery. However, I am glad to be able to inform you of 
the fact myself and to beg you not to forget me. I shall 
always take an interest in matters concerning your welfare." 

But there was one person who was always ready to do 

Eugene a bad turn, and that person was Marmont, whose 

position as administrator of Dalmatia enabled him to annoy 

the viceroy in many ways. In a letter of reprimand, which 

Eugene was obliged to write about this time, we find an 

example of his conduct : ,, ,^ , , 7 o o 

^ Milan, May 22nd, 1808. 

"M. le general- en- chef Marmont — His Majesty commands 
me to write to you so that he may know exactly what has 



CONCILIATION 191 

become of a sum of money which you deducted from the 
Italian war and navy budgets. Neither in Italy nor in 
France can sums of money be put to any use except that 
for which they are intended without a special order from 
the Ministers. As His Majesty has ordered me to draw up 
a report concerning this matter, I desire you to help me 
perform my task." 

In June comes another letter from Napoleon concerning 
his old friend Pius VII, whom he seems anxious to con- 

" Bayonne, June yth, 1808. 
" My Son — You must see that the Pope does not want for 
anything. This is what I wish you to do : From July ist 
all the French and Italian troops now in the Papal States 
and in the March of Ancona must be paid, fed and clothed 
at the expense of France and Italy ; the Pope will in future 
only pay for such items as the heating and lighting of their 
barracks. The country's entire revenue is to be used to pay 
the interest of the national debt and the salaries of the 
different officials. The Pope is to receive not less than 
150,000 ^ francs a month for his household expenses. I shall 
wait before sending you further orders until I have heard 
from General MioUis, who will then tell me how much the 
interest upon the national debt amounts to, how much is 
spent every year for administering the kingdom, and what 
is the net revenue of that kingdom." 

But the Pope was not content with this pittance, and 
naturally the unfortunate populace of Rome was expected 
to see that Saint Peter's Pence were not reduced in number. 
General MioUis seems to have been genuinely anxious not to 
overtax Napoleon's new subjects. But he had a difficult 
task before him. In the Emperor's next letter we learn how 
he proposed to treat any refractory ecclesiastics : 

" Bayonne, July lyth, 1808. 

" My Son — I was glad to hear that you had made Cardinal 

Gabrielli, bishop of Sinigaglia, come to Milan. Keep him 

there. When you see him, ask him if he will take the oath 

prescribed by the concordat or not. If he will not take it 

^ 150,000 francs : ;^6o,ooo a month. 



192 eug£ne de beauharnais 

you must send him to some monastery in the environs of 
Como or Novara, and you must deprive him of his tempo- 
rahties, half of which must go to the hospitals in his diocese 
and the rest be used for restoring his churches. He is only to 
be allowed a pension of one thousand ecus. All this must 
be done quietly. No decrees need be published. Any 
bishop or any other ecclesiastic who will not take the oath 
must be deprived of his possessions and only allowed a small 
pension ; his fortune must be used for charitable works — 
half for the hospitals and half for keeping the churches in 
repair. Be careful that the matter is not mentioned in the 
newspapers and that everything is done quietly." 

In July Eugene, having previously obtained his step- 
father's permission, started for a tour of inspection of Italy's 
three new provinces. He first went to Ancona, in which 
seaport some important works were in progress. He found 
his new subjects rather hostile ; some of Eugene's innova- 
tions, such as the conscription, had given offence ; and they 
complained that they were taxed too heavily. However, 
Eugene's very visible desire to be lenient soon won their 
confidence. He commanded various improvements to be 
made, several much-needed schools were built in Fermo, 
Macerata and Urbino ; he also declared the ports of Sini- 
gaglia and Ancona free, and had new roads made. 

On his return to Milan he reorganized his army and 
ordered an Exchange to be built in Milan ; several new 
schools were also opened. 

Early in August, Napoleon received an intimation from 

Eugene that he hoped that his wife would soon make him 

a father for a second time. Whereupon Napoleon writes off 

to his " daughter " : ., . . 0.7 o o 

^ Atigust 18th, 1808. 

" My Daughter— I thank you for all the kind things you 
said in your birthday letter to me. I am always glad to 
hear that you love me. Never doubt my affection for you. 
How is the little frince getting on P " (The last sentence is 
written in the Emperor's own hand.) 

Alas ! the little prince changed his mind at the last 
moment and turned out to be another little princess. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Tuscany was now occupied 



BIRTH OF EUGENE'S SECOND CHILD 193 

by French troops under the command of General Menou,^ 
that country still continued in an unsettled condition. Its 
inhabitants were anxious to throw off the hated Napoleonic 
yoke. Although a tremendous amount of smuggling still 
went on, the continental system was slowly ruining Leghorn, 
whose chief customer for some years had been England. 

Napoleon now made an excuse of the many disturbances 
which took place towards the end of 1808 in order to take 
back from the widowed Queen of Etruria the possessions 
which she owed to the conqueror of Europe, unite those 
possessions to France, and make his sister Elisa grand- 
duchess of Tuscany, which he did early in the following year. 

Eugene had but a small role in these transactions ; his 
share was limited to repressing any efforts at rebellion 
against the Emperor's orders. 

The last few months had been productive of several suc- 
cesses to the French army in Spain, where Joseph Bona- 
parte's position was assured for the present, thanks to his 
brother's interview with the Emperor Alexander of Russia 
and several German princes at Erfurt. 

During the last weeks of the old year (1808) Eugene made 
an expedition to Friuli, where he reviewed his troops and 
ascertained that matters were going smoothly. Shortly 
after his return home Augusta gave birth to a second 
daughter (December 23rd), who was baptized Hortense 
Eugenie. The arrival of another daughter was doubtless a 
disappointment to both parents. As for Napoleon, the birth 
of a third son to Hortense had considerably weakened his 
interest in the sex of Eugene's progeny. 

1 Menou, Jeau-Fran^ois, baron de (1750-1810): although a noble by- 
birth, fought for the Republic ; he was a favourite with Bonaparte, with 
whom he made the Egyptian campaign. He was appointed Governor of 
Venice, where he died. 



CHAPTER VIII 

Eugene endeavours to pacify the Pope — Austria prepares for another 
war — Eugene receives command of the armee d'ltalie — His defeat at 
Sacile is followed by several successes — The armee d'ltalie joins the 
Grand Army — Eugene goes to Vienna and is then ordered to subdue 
Hungary — He does so and returns to the Austrian capital — Peace is 
signed between the two Emperors. 

THE year 1809 was to be one of the most eventful years 
in Eugene's life, for he was now called upon to show 
whether he had profited by what he had seen of his step- 
father's methods of waging war or not. 

The first three months were passed by the young couple 
in Milan, Eugene being occupied with various matters of 
government, such as the vexed question of paper money — 
which question still exists, as every traveller in Italy knows 
to his cost — the still existing tax upon salt, and the advisa- 
bility of reducing the area devoted to the culture of rice, an 
industry which was producing disastrous results owing to 
the malaria engendered by the huge rice-marshes ; Augusta, 
like the good mother she was, was well occupied bringing 
up her two little daughters. 

Rome was still in a very unsettled condition. General 
Miollis had his hands full trying to keep peace with the Pope, 
who now imagined he was about to strike his enemy through 
one of that enemy's neighbours. When, on January ist, 
1809, Cardinal Severoli, the Papal nuncio at Vienna, wrote 
to Pius VII informing him that he had persuaded Francis I 
of Austria 1 to go to war against Napoleon, he knew that he 
was telling the Holy Father something which would give 
him great satisfaction. The Pope, emboldened by this good 
news, immediately forbade the faithful to take part in the 

1 Mr. F. Loraine Petre's work, entitled Napoleon and the Archduke 
Charles (John Lane, 1909), contains a most complete account of this 
campaign. 

194 




EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

From the portrait at Arenenberg. Reproduced by kind permission ot 
Messrs. Dodd, Mead and Co. 



To face page 194 



PREPARING FOR WAR 195 

carnival which began that year on February 5th, and ordered 
prayers to be said in all the churches as a sign of public 
mourning for the disasters which had fallen on the Church. 
Eugene's heart was now rejoiced by a very pleasant an- 
nouncement which showed him that his step-father con- 
sidered him competent to fill the post : he was made com- 
mander-in-chief of the armee d'ltalie. At last he was to have 
his wish and see service again. But, as in 1805, Napoleon 
wished Austria to take the first step. Indeed, it was his 
express order to Eugene not to concentrate his troops, thus 
leaving him unprepared for what was to come, which occa- 
sioned the viceroy's defeat at Sacile. The Emperor writes : 

" Paris, January 26th, 1809. 
" My Son — You have doubtless received a letter which I 
wrote to you while I was at Valladolid and which was sent 
to you from Bayonne by a messenger. As Austria has done 
nothing so far, you must do nothing, at least, nothing osten- 
sible. Write and tell Marmont that I am back in Paris ; 
that Austria, contrary to our expectations, has done nothing 
so far ; that we must keep a good watch, but do nothing 
in a hurry. Numerous detachments are crossing the Alps 
to join you ; more wiU start in February, in order to rein- 
force your army so that all may be ready, as I have already 
informed you, and that the regiments may be prepared to 
begin operations in May or June. I long to hear that the 
4th battalions of the regiments of the armee de Dalmatie 
and the armee de Corfou have arrived in Italy." 

In one of Cardinal Severoli's letters to Pius VII, that 
astute diplomatist informs the Holy Father that England 
has been urging Austria to go to war with France ever since 
the previous October. There were many English subjects 
scattered about the kingdom of Italy, as we have already 
seen ; that they were willing to lend their aid to any dis- 
contented with Eugene's rule is proved by the following 
letter written by the latter to his step-father : 

" Milan, February 14th, 1809. 
" Sire — I hasten to inform Your Majesty that ten English- 
men, who had been taken prisoner on the coast of Istria, 
have been set free by the captain of tl\e royal battalion of 



196 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Istria, into whose charge they had been given and who then 
took refuge, together with his prisoners, three guards and 
two civil servants belonging to the government of Capo 
d' Istria, on board an English vessel. I ordered all these 
deserters to be judged by default, and I commanded very 
strict inquiry to be made as to whether any ramifications 
of the plot existed. Several letters from Triest proving the 
existence of a conspiracy have been intercepted. The per- 
sons to whom these letters were addressed have been 
arrested ; we have discovered that the English have several 
agents in Triest who organize and direct all these conspira- 
cies. The captain had promised the English to entice away 
a great number of his soldiers ; he was to arrest the brigadier- 
general commanding the province, the prefect, the com- 
mander of the battalion, who is an Italian, and the few 
Italian officers in the province. The rebels were to burn all 
ship-timber, destroy everjrthing they could get hold of, 
embark on English vessels and sail for Malta, where an 
Italian battalion is being formed, in which they would have 
been given superior rank to that which they already occupy. 
Although it is doubtless easier to conceive such a plan than 
to carry it out, Your Majesty will understand from this 
statement that the royal battalion of Istria cannot stay in 
the country any longer, and that the safety of this province 
is compromised. I am immediately sending the battalion 
of the 3rd Italian infantry regiment, which is now at Pal- 
manova, to Triest ; and I propose to Your Majesty to send 
the battalion of Istria to Dalmatia, which will enable 
General Marmont to fortify his garrisons. I need not tell 
Your Majesty that I have ordered steps to be taken to 
prevent the enemy carrying out their plans." 

A few weeks later the captains of two Italian vessels who 
had incurred the viceroy's anger by surrendering to the 
English, were taken prisoner, condemned to death and shot. 
When informing his step-father of these two executions, 
Eugene says : "I hope that this will be the last lesson we 
shall have to give our Italian navy." 

In his next letter Napoleon again repeats his mistaken 
conviction that the Austrians will do nothing until the end 
of April at the earliest ; he also makes another mistaken 



PREPARING FOR WAR 197 

statement when he asserts that Russia will not join Austria : 
Russia's attitude towards Austria was at that time similar 
to that of the monkey in La Fontaine's fable who makes use 
of his friend the cat to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. 
And, as in the fable : 

" Raton n'etait pas content, ce dit-on. 
Aussi ne le sont pas la plupart de ces princes. 
Qui, flattes d'un pareil emploi, 
Vont s'echauder en des provinces 
Pour le profit de quel que roi." 

Eleven days after writing the above-mentioned letter. 
Napoleon puts the date of Austria's probable attack still 

^^^^^ • " Paris, March 2yth, 1809. 

" My Son — I received your letter dated the 22nd inst., at 
two o'clock this morning. I entirely approve of all you 
have done. I told you that I thought that things would 
not alter much during the month of April. Although the 
Austrians threaten a great deal, they have not attacked us 
yet, and I still think that they will not he in a position to do 
so before the middle of May." 

Meanwhile Austria had been straining every nerve to 
make a threefold attack in Bavaria, Italy and the duchy of 
Warsaw. On March ist the French ambassador to Vienna, 
Andreossyi by name, quitted that city, nominally in order 
to take a holiday, but probably because he saw that a 
rupture was inevitable. All sorts of ridiculous rumours were 
being circulated in Vienna. It was said that the French 
troops in Spain had been annihilated, that England had dis- 
embarked fourteen regiments of soldiers in that country, and 
that King Joseph had been forced to fly for his life. And 
then somebody, who probably knew what he was talking 
about, added : " Russia is going to support Austria." 

Eugene, reassured by his step-father's repeated assertions 
that Austria would do nothing definite until the middle of 
May, limited his preparations for war to drawing up his 
troops in echelons between the Adige and the Isonzo.^ 

1 Andreossy, Antoine Francois (i 761-1828) : was one of the most dis- 
tinguished artillery officers in Europe during the Empire. He occupied 
several important diplomatic posts, was a member of the Institut d'Egypte 
and the Acaddmie des Sciences. 

^ The Isonzo was the river which, as a natural frontier, divided Austria 
from Italy in those days. 



198 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

One or two historians assure us that Napoleon had but a 
poor opinion of his step-son's military talents ; and to prove 
this assertion they point out the fact that Napoleon, in 1805, 
not only sent Jourdan to Eugene to act as his mentor in 
military matters, but that he also sent Macdonald^ in the 
same capacity in 1809. But we must not forget that four 
years had passed since 1805, and that those four years had 
been full of experiences for Eugene. The following letter from 
the Emperor to his step-son would seem to show that Napoleon 
had a high opinion of the viceroy's talents ; he speaks as if 
Eugene was to be the master — the commander, and as if 
Macdonald's role was to be limited to that of a subordinate : 

" Paris, April 2nd, 1809. 

" My Son — I have given General Macdonald orders to join 
the armee d' Italic ; he wiU arrive immediately. This officer 
is brave and talented ; but I am not very sure about his 
politics. However, matters have changed of late somewhat. 
I hope that he will do his best to serve you, and that he will 
win honour in the land whither his talents and past services 
have called him. I have said nothing to him. He is to be 
employed as a general de division, and you can give him 
command of a wing of the army. This favour, which he 
will owe to your kindness, will ensure his fidelity." 

Notwithstanding Eugene's warnings to his step-father 
that the Austrians were fortifying the left bank of the 
Isonzo, that the inhabitants of Laybach, Gorizia, Villach 
and Tarvis were in a very excited condition, and that French 
subjects travelling in Austria were subjected to all sorts of 
indignities, the Emperor does not seem to have realized that 
war was so near. 

In the beginning of April, fully six weeks before Napoleon 
had expected her to do so, Austria began to rise in the Tyrol 
under the guidance of that brave innkeeper-soldier, Andreas 

1 Macdonald, Etienne- Jacques- Joseph- Alexandre (i 765-1 840) : due de 
Tarente, and marechal de France, first served in Dillon's Irish regiment ; 
he then fought with distinction under Napoleon's flag. The Emperor 
alludes in the above letter to Macdonald's defence of Moreau in 1804 
when he incurred the Emperor's displeasure. His conduct, however, at 
Wagram and at many subsequent battles blotted out all past offences. 
His political opinions, after the Emperor's downfall, were distinctly those 
of a constitutionalist. 



EUGENE TAKES THE FIELD 199 

Hofer.^ Eugene, now commander-in-chief of the armee 
d'ltalie, left Milan, having said good-bye to his beloved 
Augusta and the two little daughters, and started for Udine, 
where he was to establish his head-quarters. He immediately 
published a proclamation to his army in which he said : 

" Generals, officers, soldiers ! you bear the title of the 
armee d'ltalie ! What more need I say ? Does not this 
title, with its memories of glorious deeds in the past, com- 
mand you to imitate those deeds ? For long you have felt 
your inactivity and chafed under it. But now, thanks to 
your enemies, the day of glory is dawning for you ! . . ." 

Eugene's energetic behaviour seems to have come as a 
surprise to Austria, for Napoleon says in a letter written to 
his adopted son from Paris, April 4th : " Those gentlemen 
(the Austrian government) thought that you were unpre- 
pared for war ; but your conduct has proved to them that 
you have plenty of troops to back you up. Do your very 
best to intimidate Triest. ..." 

Eugene travelled through Brescia and Verona, where he 
reviewed his troops. In the latter town he found a letter 
from his adoptive father written in a short, concise style, 
much to the point, like his commands delivered in a tone 
which brooked no denial, waiting for him : 

" Paris, April 6th, 1809. 
" My Son — Who is a certain poet named Carpani^ who is 
now with the archduke Johann ? ^ Have his family arrested ; 
and if he has any property, confiscate it." 

But before repairing to Udine, Eugene had orders to go 
and see what was happening in the Tyrol ; this he did most 
thoroughly, riding and walking over 250 miles. After re- 
viewing more troops outside Vicenza and inspecting the 

^ Hofer, Andreas (i 767-1810) : this brave patriot chased the Bavarians 
from the Tyrol and destroyed several French detachments. Having 
fallen into the hands of the French in 18 10 he was taken to Mantua and 
shot. The Emperor of Austria ennobled his family in 1819. 

^ Carpani, Giuseppe (1752-1825) : poet and musician of some celebrity. 
As a pupil of the Jesuits he supported the Catholic Church by every 
means which lay in his power. He was a great admirer of the archduke 
Johann, who persuaded him to settle in Vienna. He was an accomplished 
linguist and translated very well from the French and German languages. 

^ Johann, Baptiste Fabien Sebastian, archduke of Austria (i 782-1859 ?) : 
brother of the archduke Karl, was no less talented as a soldier than as 
a diplomatist. Ferdinand I, after his flight to Innsbruck, made him his 
heutenant-general, a post which he filled with great ability. 



200 eug£ne de beauharnais 

fortifications of that town he moved on to Udine. Not- 
withstanding the fact that his spies assured him that a war 
could no longer be avoided, he himself still hoped and, until 
April loth, continued to hope that Austria would recall the 
archduke Johann. But a few hours later all doubts were 
laid at rest when the latter sent a warning to the French 
outposts that he had received orders from his Emperor to 
advance and to treat as enemies any troops trying to stop 
him doing so. Not only did he advance, but he attacked 
Eugene's troops in the valley of the Fella that very same 
day. 

Eugene immediately sent word to the Senate in Milan 
that the Austrian Cabinet had declared war, assured the 
people of Italy that he should do everything he could to 
protect their country and ended by begging Napoleon's sub- 
jects to ha.ve confidence in him. 

The archduke Johann's first attack was unsuccessful, not- 
withstanding the fact that Eugene's troops were unprepared 
to fight so soon. 

The first serious engagement between the Italian and 
Austrian armies resulted in a victory for the viceroy. In a 
charming letter to his wife he tells her that the enemy de- 
bouched in great numbers on every side, but that his troops 
were ready this time and able to take two hundred prisoners 
and disable from five to six hundred men. 

Throughout this campaign Eugene wrote constantly to 
his wife. We would gladly reproduce these letters, but 
limited space will prevent us doing so. These letters are all 
contained in M. Albert Pulitzer's most charming work, 
Le Roman du Prince Eugene. Eugene's task was not alto- 
gether an easy one about this time, for he found that some 
of his generals, General Lamarque^ in particular, were dis- 
contented at having to obey a commander-in-chief so much 
younger than themselves. 

Napoleon's letters to his step-son became even more 
numerous with the declaration of war ; he often wrote two 
and sometimes three letters on the same day, letters in 
which he tries, though far away from the seat of war, to 

^ Lamarque, Maximilien, comte de (1772-1832) : distinguished himself 
during the wars of the Revolution and in Italy under Eugene. He was 
elected deputy during the Restoration, when he became immensely 
popular with the Opposition party. 



AUSTRIANS ATTACK EUG£NE 201 

guide his " son " to victory, gives him the advantage of his 
prodigious knowledge of tactics, praises him, encourages 
him, and scolds him for not writing three times a day to 

^^^' " Paris, April 12th, 1809. 

" My Son — You will have learnt, on reaching Verona or 
Trent, that the Austrians had begun hostilities, and that you 
will probably have to make your head-quarters in Friuli. 
The telegraph only informed me that the Austrians had 
crossed the Inn and, by so doing, declared war. . . . Leave 
your cavalry and about twelve thousand men on the banks 
of the Isonzo and proceed with the rest of your army to 
Tarvis. Leave nothing to chance ; be careful to avoid the 
intrenchments which the enemy are sure to have made, so 
that you do not break your nose against the walls of their 
redoubts." 

And now Eugene was to experience his first defeat, and it 
was a bitter grief and disappointment to him. This defeat 
must be attributed to two causes, one of which was inde- 
pendent of his will. The first mistake was made by Napoleon 
when he miscalculated the date of Austria's attack and for- 
bade Eugene to concentrate his troops in Friuli, thus leaving 
him unprepared for war ; the second mistake was made by 
Eugene, who, counting upon the support of General La- 
marque, returned the enemy's attack without waiting for 
that general, who had been unable to join the army at Sacile 
owing to the terrible rains which had caused great floods in 
the north of Italy. How well the Emperor read Eugene's 
character when he accused him of acting too precipitately ! 
Rash he may have been : rashness in warfare is courage 
carried to its extreme limit. But we must protest when 
M. Thiers calls him timid, as he did when speaking of the 
viceroy of Italy. However, M. Thiers was not always quite 
fair in his judgment of others : did he not call one of 
France's greatest patriots a raving lunatic ? 

On April 14th the Austrians attacked Eugene's army in 
large numbers. Three of the viceroy's battalions were cap- 
tured. Eugene, well aware of the inferiority of his cavalry 
to that of the archduke Johann, undismayed by this check, 
tried to recover lost ground and returned the Austrians' 
attack. He succeeded for a time and managed to drive the 



202 eug£ne de beauharnais 

enemy, who fought very bravely, back to Porcia. The arch- 
duke Johann did not lose courage ; gathering all his forces 
together, he returned Eugene's attack with so much deter- 
mination that by five o'clock on April i6th Eugene was 
obliged to beat a retreat and acknowledge himself van- 
quished. During this battle the French army lost 6500 
men : 3000 killed and wounded ; 3500 prisoners. Generals 
Severoli, Garreau, Teste, Pages and Dutruy were among the 
wounded. 

At the news of this disaster a handful of discontented 
Italian patriots hurried back to Milan, where they en- 
deavoured to profit by Eugene's defeat in order to make the 
populace rise against the " French tyrant " and prevent 
him returning to the capital. But the vice-reine displayed 
such unexpected firmness on this occasion that this effort 
at a revolution came to naught. 

The day before the battle of Sacile, Napoleon wrote the 
following letter, which arrived too late, alas ! to prevent the 
disaster : 

" Strasburg, April i^th, 1809. 

" My Son — I am now at Strasburg. I wrote to you from 
Paris. Threaten as much as you like, but don't be in a 
hurry over anything, and go carefully. The Austrians had 
not passed Maldorf on the 12th. I suppose that the band 
of 5000 troops coming up from Italy and advancing towards 
the Tyrol has retreated and has not continued its march 
towards Inspruck {sic), which town the Austrians will have 
probably occupied before it can get there. The Empress is 
at Strasburg. I cross the Rhine in an hour's time. I shall 
leave the Austrians masters of the situation in the Tyrol 
for the time being so that I may catch them in a trap. If 
they are driven your way, take care to have ten boats ready 
armed at Peschiera so as to cut off any retreat by the lake."^ 

Eugene now had a most painful task to perform : he had 
to write and confess to his step-father that he had done the 
very thing he had been told not to do : he had acted too 
precipitately ! In his grief he turned to his wife and wrote 
her all about his fiasco and, at the same time, warned her 
that she might have to seek refuge in flight. 

^ The lake of Gar da. 



EUGENE'S DEFEAT AT SACILE 203 

" Treviso, April 18th, 1809. Midday. 

" I was in despair when I wrote to you yesterday, my 
good Augusta, because I saw that our army had been com- 
pletely routed. I feel calmer to-day and better able to look 
the future in the face. The enemy have not profited by 
their advantage, whereas I have profited by their stupidity 
and have been able to rally my troops. We shall still have 
every reason to hope for better things if only the news from 
the Tyrol is good. So be calm, my good Augusta. If, not- 
withstanding all my efforts to prevent them, the enemy 
should descend from the Tyrol and advance towards Verona 
or Brescia, you must take steps to leave Milan and go to 
Turin or even Lyons ; but this is only in case something 
very unexpected should happen. Good-bye, my dear 
Augusta ; I tremble for your health ; I fear that this news 
may make you ill, and I long to hear from you." 

There was one person who was delighted by the news of 
Eugene's defeat, and that was Pius VII, who bore no par- 
ticular spite to the viceroy ; on the contrary, he rather liked 
him, but who looked beyond the servant to the master, and 
considered this disaster as a punishment from Heaven, as in 
our own days many disasters attended with great loss of 
life in France have been considered by the clergy of the 
country as Heaven-sent. ^ 

We find that Eugene says in the above letter that the 
enemy did not profit by the advantages gained at Sacile. 
The news of Napoleon's wonderful success, the knowledge 
that he was now marching upon Vienna, had fallen like a 
thunderbolt upon the Austrian troops. 

Napoleon's one idea on hearing of Eugene's defeat was 
to prevent the Austrians crossing the Piave. Again and 
again in his letters he repeats that Eugene must not abandon 
that natural barrier, that he must protect it at all costs ; 
but, notwithstanding all his step-father's behests, Eugene 
was forced to retreat before the archduke Johann, whose 
troops, having been allowed to rest for three days after the 

^ We need only quote one instance : shortly after the fire at the Bazar 
de la ChariU, when so many French aristocrats perished in the flames, a 
priest in a fashionable Paris church preached a sermon in which he spoke 
of this disaster as a punishment from Heaven. All the victims were 
Cathohcs, and presumably royaUsts. 



204 eug£ne de beauharnais 

victory of Sacile, drove him back and back until he reached 
the banks of the Adige. He now had to strain every nerve 
to prevent the Austrians coming any farther. Venice was 
well protected, but Padua had already fallen into the 
enemy's hands and was occupied by a body of Austrian 
troops numbering about three thousand men. In one of 
those fits of frenzied courage for which French soldiers have 
always been famous, a detachment of dragoons, thirteen 
souls in all, determined, under the guidance of a sergeant 
named Fourre, to give the Austrians a good fright. This 
little band boldly marched up to the gates of Padua, and, 
although greeted by a discharge of musketry, cared naught, 
but marched on, overturning the sentinels, battering open 
the gates and rushing through the town with the rapidity 
of a whirlwind. Thirteen went in : only eight came out 
alive. ... It was a foolish escapade, doubtless, but it 
deserves to be recorded. The Austrians, thinking that the 
foolhardy little band was the forerunner of a large body of 
troops, flew to their guns and began preparations for an 
attack — which did not come off. 

Eugene was now joined by General Macdonald, who met 
him at Vicenza, where he was reorganizing his army and 
preparing to attack the archduke Johann again. 

On reaching Vicenza, Macdonald was waited upon by one 
of the viceroy's aides-de-camp with a request that he would 
come and see him at once. Macdonald found Eugene in a 
state of profound depression. 

" I have been beaten at the very beginning of my career 
as commander-in-chief," cried Eugene ; "it is true that my 
troops occupied an unfavourable position. The Emperor, 
who knows Italy so thoroughly, will be indignant." 

" Who persuaded you to give battle ? " asked Macdonald. 
" Why did you take up such a bad position in a narrow gorge 
which, had you been obliged to flee, would have certainly 
proved the ruin of your army ? You may think yourself 
very lucky not to have had a more enterprising enemy. 
Had you been fighting against any other general, the salva- 
tion of your whole army would have been compromised." 

" It is true," confessed Eugene, " that I gave in too easily 
to the complaints and observations of the Emperor's sub- 
jects ; they all crowded round me, begging me not to aban- 



eug£ne depressed 205 

don this position without striking a blow ; then the army 
grumbled because it was retreating without having measured 
swords with the troops which it had so often beaten. I asked 
the advice of all the bravest and most esteemed generals." 

" Take good care not to act so hastily again ! " remarked 
Macdonald ; " you see what a tight corner you have put 
yourself into. Where are you going now, and what do you 
intend to do ? " 

Eugene was obliged to confess that his soldiers were no 
less depressed then he was, and they were anxious to re- 
treat as soon as possible. 

On asking where the enemy were, Macdonald was in- 
formed that they were about three marches distant. 

" What ! " cried he, " three marches distant ? And what 
would you do if they were on your heels ? Show me your 
maps and let us see what we can concoct together." 

Having examined the maps of the surrounding country, 
Eugene and Macdonald decided to make a stand at Caldiero. 
But Macdonald, older and more experienced than Eugene, 
trusted to the news of the Emperor's success to decide the 
events of the next few days. He said : 

" You will see that the whole question will be settled in 
Germany ; and you will learn the good or bad results, not 
from couriers, but from your adversary's movements. If 
the archduke Johann's movements are rapid, the enemy are 
victorious ; if their movements are slow, as at present, nothing 
decisive has happened ; if they are beaten, you will see your 
adversary draw back, because he will not wish to run the 
risk of having all communication with the capital cut off, 
neither will he wish to be isolated by the victorious army. 
... If you abandon the favourable position which you now 
occupy, the enemy will follow you. Where will you stop ? 
On the banks of some river, or in the Alps ? But if the 
Emperor is successful, and if he sends you orders to take the 
offensive again, you will have to try and force a crossing 
over the river. Will yoa succeed with an army which is a 
prey to depression ? It is scarcely likely. So do not let us 
run the risk unless absolutely obliged to do so ; let us defend 
the country foot by foot without compromising ourselves in 
any way. Do not let us risk a second battle, and do not let 
us undertake anything unless we are sure of success." 



2o6 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Eugene was quite ready to allow that Macdonald's advice 
was far more sensible than that which had led to the dis- 
aster of Sacile. At Macdonald's suggestion he summoned 
all his generals to meet him at a certain hour and discuss 
the situation. But before doing so he warned Macdonald 
that he could not depend upon all his generals. 

" Look ! " said he, going to the window and pointing at 
a little group which was listening to a general who seemed 
very excited ; " look ! although that fellow had absolutely 
nothing to do during the last engagement he is in a greater 
hurry to make off than any other member of the army, and 
he is trying to persuade his comrades to follow his example." 

The interview with the generals was not very encouraging. 
General Grenier made no secret of the fact that the army 
was in a state of profound discouragement. 

" Prince," said he to Eugene, " nobody seems to have 
taken into consideration the fact that the army is at present 
thoroughly disorganized and very depressed. It is my duty 
to inform you that my own division is in such a state that 
I will not answer for its behaviour until it has had a thorough 
rest," 

However, Eugene determined to try and obliterate the 
memory of the fiasco at Sacile by winning an important 
victory. At Macdonald's suggestion he sent for a young 
general who was anxious to distinguish himself, and told 
him to hold the bridge of Vicenza at all costs. The viceroy, 
in his agitation, did not give his orders very clearly ; the 
young general, although he had not half understood Eugene's 
commands, was too timid to say so, but retired, promising to 
do his duty. Macdonald perceived what was the matter and 
called the young man back before he had had time to leave 
the viceroy's quarters. On being requested to repeat the 
commander-in-chief's commands, the unfortunate general 
hesitated and gave such an embarrassed reply that Eugene 
saw what he had done and hastened to reiterate his instruc- 
tions, this time being careful to make his meaning clear. 
It was a good lesson for the future. 

Eugene's army took some time to recover its equilibrium. 
The stand made outside Vicenza was not accomplished with- 
out much trouble to Eugene and his troops ; the latter were 
within an ace of flying upon more than one occasion. 



EUGENE'S COURAGE RETURNS 207 

The characters of Eugene and Macdonald were unfortu- 
nately dissimilar, for Eugene always found it a difficult 
matter to restrain his ardour, while Macdonald erred per- 
haps on the side of cautiousness ; strange to say, both 
accused each other of rashness. 

Having defended Vicenza successfully, Eugene's courage 
returned, and victory with it, for, on April 24th, his army 
met that of the archduke Johann, beat it and drove it 
northward. 

The insurrection in the Tyrol was spreading in every 
direction ; troops of armed peasants were marching towards 
Italy under the command of General Chasteler.^ General 
Baraguey d'Hilliers^ was chosen to go and quell that beauti- 
ful country, which had never forgiven Napoleon for dis- 
posing of some of its territory against its will to Eugene's 
father-in-law, the King of Bavaria. 

On April 28th Eugene learnt of his step-father's success 
at Abensberg, where the Emperor, eight days before, had 
won a most brilliant victory over the archduke Karl. The 
news of this victory was like a powerful tonic to Eugene 
and his troops ; the viceroy immediately ordered a salvo to 
be fired. 

But this same news was received with dismay by Pius VII, 
who now became seriously alarmed lest the Emperor, when 
at leisure, should punish him for his intransigeance ; and so 
he had the gates of the Quirinal palace so barred and barri- 
caded that, had he been expecting to be besieged by the 
entire Grand Army, he could not have taken more precau- 
tions ; in fact, he imitated the doges of old, and placed seven 
doors between himself and the outer world. 

On April 30th the left wing of Eugene's army, under 

^ Chasteler, Jean Gabriel, marquis de (1763-1825) : a French imigvi 
who went to Austria, where he entered the army and became a very dis- 
tinguished general ; he played an important part throughout the war 
of 1809-10. Napoleon endeavoured, but unsuccessfully, to take him 
prisoner ; had he done so, General Chasteler would probably have shared 
the fate of the due d'Enghien. 

^ Baraguey d'Hilliers, Louis (1764-18 12) : fought with great valour 
under the Republican flag and in Egypt, Italy and Austria. He incurred 
Napoleon's anger in 1812 for surrendering to a Russian officer. The Em- 
peror ordered him to return to France and submit to be tried by a court- 
martial. The general was obeying his master when he fell ill and died, 
on the way home, in Berhn from an illness caused by grief at having been 
unsuccessful. 



2o8 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

General Sorbier/ met the Austrian troops near Badia ; 
although badly wounded, Sorbier continued to direct his 
men and was able to inflict severe punishment upon the 
enemy, who lost 800 men and were compelled to fly. 

May 2nd saw Eugene on the way to recovering ah the 
ground he had lost. We learn from a letter written to his 
wife on this date that " the Emperor was not too angry about 
the battle he had lost." He concludes with this expressive 
sentence : " We are all very glad to advance ; I fancy one 
or two people will be rather surprised to see us turn up 
again." 

The Austrians had burnt all the bridges over the Brenta, 
which obhged Eugene's troops to construct rafts on which 
to cross the swollen river. 

On May 4th the Austrians made a determined stand by 
the bridge of Bassano, but they met with no better success 
than on September 9th, 1796, when General Bonaparte had 
the honour of beating them. If we look at the map of Italy, 
we shall see that the tide had turned for Eugene and that, 
after having been forced to retreat to Vicenza, he was now 
about to drive the Austrians out of the kingdom of Italy. 

On the morrow Eugene had another success outside Cal- 
diero, inflicting severe losses upon the enemy and taking 
1 100 prisoners at a loss to himself of 120 men. 

From Napoleon, who was sweeping all obstacles out of his 
path and striding towards Vienna, comes another letter 
reprimanding his step-son for not keeping him advised of 
his plans and their failure or success : 

" Enns, May 6th, 1809. 

" My Son — I have had no news from you to-day. My 
outposts are now at Amstetten. We shall reach Vienna in 
a few days. I am quite in the dark concerning the move- 
ments of the armee d'ltalie. The Austrians declare that 
they have captured three eagles from you, taken 16 cannons 
and 6000 prisoners. Your letters tell me nothing ; I don't 
know whether these reports are true or false. I also want 

1 Sorbier, BartMlemont de (1762-1827) : served in the regiment of La 
Fire with the young Bonaparte, won a victory over the Austrians m 1793, 
but was shortly after deprived of his rank as captain as a suspect. He re- 
entered the army, however, and went through all Napoleon's campaigns, 
with honour to himself and his troops. With the return of the Bourbons 
he retired into private life. 



EUG£NE wins a victory 209 

to have news concerning the army against which you are 
fighting. You ought to write three times a day, and yet 
you only write once a week to me ! I sent a messenger to 
you the day before yesterday to inform you that I had cap- 
tured 7000 prisoners when crossing the Traun. I hope by 
the time this letter reaches you that you will have sent me 
the news I long to hear." 

The Austrians retreated as far as Cima d'Olmo, where 
they gave battle to the viceroy. This engagement, which is 
known to historians as the Battle of the Piave, was most 
disastrous to Austria, who lost 10,000 men in one day and 
saw the remnant of her army obliged to fly far into the 
night, hotly pursued by Eugene's troops who were intoxi- 
cated with this success. 

In a letter from General Caffarelli^ to Duroc, dated 
May 9th, from Conegliano we find a pleasant testimony in 
favour of the commander-in-chief : 

" The Prince behaved like a worthy son of the Emperor. 
I admired his coolness and presence of mind ; the only 
fault I could find with him was that he was too brave. The 
day's events closed with cries of : ' Long live the Emperor ! ' 
uttered by the massed troops." 

Eugene finds time to write a brief account of this his first 
important victory to his wife, Augusta : 

" Conegliano, May gth, 1809. 
" At last we have won a victory, my good and tender 
Augusta. I hope that the Emperor will be content with 
our behaviour. We made a very bold attack yesterday, for 
my army crossed the Piave right in front of the Austrian 
troops, whom we routed completely ; three-quarters of my 
men had no need to discharge their guns. The cavalry 
covered themselves with glory. The result of the battle was 
as follows : 14 cannons and 25 or 30 baggage-waggons cap- 
tured, 3000 prisoners taken, including 2 generals, 8 staff- 
officers and 40 or 50 other officers, besides which they had 

1 Caffarelli, Auguste (1766-1849): was colonel of the consular guard 
after the i8th Brumaire, then aide-de-camp to Bonaparte in 1800. He 
was made Governor of the Tuileries for some time ; from 1806 to 18 10 he 
was head of the War Office for the kingdom of Italy. Napoleon made him 
count of the French Empire. 

O 



210 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

2 generals killed and 3 badly wounded. Let Milan hear of 
this good news ; I trust it will give satisfaction. 

" Adieu, my friend, I am going to try and follow up our 
success." 

On May nth Eugene's troops crossed the Tagliamento, 
and arrived close to Villanova, which, after another battle, 
was captured without much difficulty, while the enemy, 
having left 1500 troops in Eugene's power, together with the 
flag of Kieski's regiment, fled towards Gorizia. 

Lamarque, who had just occupied Udine most success- 
fully, was now summoned by Macdonald to join him on the 
banks of the Isonzo and help him and Marmont, who was 
coming from Dalmatia, drive the Austrian invader back to 
his own country. 

On May nth these generals added another victory to 
their list of successes, and a few days later the armee d'ltalie 
reached the valley of the Fella, the scene of Austria's in- 
vasion six weeks ago. 

In all Eugene's letters written to his wife about this time 
he makes mention of his desire to hear that the Emperor 
is content : "I shall be rewarded for all my trouble if only 
the Emperor is pleased " ; and again : "I hope that the 
Emperor is satisfied now ; I myself am very content." 

On the morrow Desaix defeated the Austrian army out- 
side Malborghetto, pursued it through Tarvis and did not 
cease harassing it until near Villach. 

We cannot refrain from giving in Eugene's own words the 
account of this engagement, the success of which was due 
to his determination to give battle immediately : 

" PoNTEBBA, May lyth, 1809. Midnight. 
" I hasten, my good Augusta, to inform you of some very 
good news. The 17th May will be one of the most glorious 
days in the annals of the armee d'ltalie. This morning we 
captured a fort which was very difficult to take ; neverthe- 
less our grenadiers carried it at the point of the bayonet. 
Nearly the entire garrison was put to the edge of the sword ; 
we were only able to take 300 prisoners. I immediately 
started in order to join our outposts, whom I found at 
Tarvis ; I soon caught sight of the enemy. I perceived that 
the Austrians were preparing to attack us either to-night 



ANOTHER SUCCESS 211 

or to-morrow morning. Although only two hours of day- 
light remained, I ordered my men to attack, which deed 
was accomplished by my right wing, formed of the Italian 
division under Fontanelli's command. The attack was so 
sudden and so successful that the rest of my troops hardly 
required to discharge their guns. We chased the enemy in 
the greatest disorder for six miles, bearing hard upon them 
all the time. I cannot give you the sum total of this day's 
work, but we have certainly taken two or three thousand 
prisoners, 20 to 25 cannons, and Heaven knows what we 
may not pick up to-morrow. The affair was sharp : about 
300 of our troops are hors de combat. The enemy's bullets 
positively ploughed up the ground upon which we were 
standing. 

" I hope the Emperor will be satisfied. I myself am very 
content. I will tell you in confidence that I am all the 
more pleased because nobody thought it wise of me to attack, 
as the enemy were so well intrenched ; however, I would 
be obeyed, and the result proved that I was perfectly right : 
a few hours later and we should have been beaten. I am 
well ; I have not closed my eyes for several nights, but 
everything is going on splendidly. Adieu, my good Augusta ; 
tell your Court of this good news, and love me as I love you." 

On the morrow the fort of Pradel, in the vicinity of 
Villach, was captured by the armee d'ltalie under General 
Seras. The scenes enacted during this operation were truly 
terrible. The fort having refused to capitulate, Seras' 
troops set fire to it and every brave soldier in the place 
perished in the flames. The scene which took place at Mal- 
borghetto a few days before was no less awful, for the 
village caught fire while being stormed ; the heat from the 
burning Malborghetto was so great that Eugene and his 
troops who were stationed at the other end of the valley 
which was also wrapped in flames, were nearly obliged to fly. 

General Lamarque then pushed on to Laybach, which 
town he, with the help of Macdonald, forced to surrender. 

Although Napoleon's and Eugene's successes had reduced 
Pius Vn to silence, if not to submission, his clergy do not 
seem to have been equally crushed, from the following letter 
written by Eugene to his step-father in a very laudable 



212 eug£ne de beauharnais 

desire to shield a well-meaning but much-deluded prelate 
from the Emperor's displeasure : 

" Friesach, May 24th, 1809. 

" Sire — I have received Your Majesty's commands con- 
cerning the archbishop of Udine. I should not have waited 
to act if this prelate had been as guilty as report first said. 
He had received written commands to sing a Te Deum, and 
to have prayers said for the success of the Austrian troops. 

" He sang the Te Deum ; but in the address to his 
diocesans, which he had printed, he forbore to tell them to 
pray for the success of the Austrian army ; he merely told 
them ' to implore the protection and succour of Heaven in 
present circumstances.' 

" This was doubtless his way — that is to say, an Italian's 
way — of getting out of a tight corner ; but it seems to me 
that it proves that the prayers were not ordered to be said 
by the archbishop with any bad intention, but only because 
he was obliged to do so. 

" I may add that the archbishop's conduct prior to this 
incident had always caused me to consider him as rather a 
pusillanimous person, but nevertheless a thoroughly loyal 
subject, and a good priest. 

" This incident shows me that I was not mistaken in my 
judgment of his character. In fact, I hear that when Prince 
Johann ^ summoned him to his presence, he appeared wearing 
his order of the Iron Crown ; and that during the short con- 
versation which took place between these two persons the 
archbishop said he was proud to owe this honour to Your 
Majesty's bounty. 

" I sharply admonished the prelate for his weakness — 
so severely, in fact, that he was quite overwhelmed, and I 
fear that he is still very depressed. There are cowards and 
weak-minded men in every corner of your kingdom of Italy, 
but there are few traitors, and none at all among the land- 
owners and wealthy families. ..." 

On May 24th eight English men-of-war appeared in the 
bay of Triest, where they remained within gun-shot, as if to 
bombard that port at any moment, Eugene tells us in his 
memoirs that the English boats refrained from bombarding 

^ The archduke Johann of Austria. 



THE AUSTRIANS DEFEATED 213 

Triest because they saw that the inhabitants were deter- 
mined to defend themselves and give back as good as they 
got. We also learn that the little fleet remained outside 
Triest until July 5th, when Napoleon's continued successes 
forced them to realize that they were only wasting their 
time. 

Eugene having reached Klagenfurt and taken that 
stronghold, wisely decided to wait there until he had news 
from his step-father and until he heard that Macdonald had 
left Laybach and was on his way to join him. 

Although commander-in-chief of the armee d'ltalie, 
Eugene had to endure one or two discomforts with the rest 
of his men, for he tells his wife that, somebody having lost 
his great-coat for him, he finds himself in the midst of that 
terribly rainy spring " like a little Saint John with only 
one coat to his back," and no prospect of being able to 
change his damp clothes for the time being, as the carriages 
containing his trunks are two days' march behind the army. 

The Austrians were now fleeing in all directions. In order 
to prevent some of the archduke's troops joining the main 
body of the Austrian army from which they had got sepa- 
rated, Eugene sent General Grouchy^ to drive them towards 
Volkermarkt and Marburg, while he himself pushed on to 
Leoben, where he fought a splendid battle with the Austrian 
general, Jellachich,^ which battle, by preventing the arch- 
duke Johann effecting a junction with his compatriot, de- 
stroyed all Austria's hopes of checking the viceroy's advance. 
During this battle, which lasted barely three hours, Austria's 
army, although numbering seven or eight thousand troops 
and occupying a splendid position under the command of 

1 Grouchy, Emmanuel, marquis de (i 766-1 847) : a brave soldier under 
the Republic and the Empire. At the battle of Novi he received fourteen 
wounds, and was wounded on other occasions. During the Cent- J ours he 
took the due d'Angouleme prisoner and received the marshal's baton as 
his reward. His forced inactivity at the battle of Waterloo, like Eugene's 
conduct in 18 14, may be said to have been the result of a misunderstand- 
ing. Although he heard the cannonade in the distance, and although he 
was anxiously awaited by the Emperor on that day when the fate of 
France was decided, he was unable to join the army because he had re- 
ceived no official orders to do so. 

2 Jellachich, Franz, baron von (1746-1810) : fought against Turkey 
and France in 1800 and was made field-marshal. In 1805 he was given 
command of the troops in the Tyrol, but on November 14th he was obliged 
to surrender to General Mathieu. He was general de division at Wagram 
and made the campaign in Steiermark in 1809. 



214 eug£ne de beauharnais 

the redoubtable Jellachich, lost 800 killed, 1200 wounded, 
and 4500 prisoners, including 70 officers. 

On the morrow the glorious day for which Eugene at one 
time had scarcely dared hope dawned, for on May 27th the 
armee d' Italic came in sight of the armee d'Allemagne. 
Great was the excitement which reigned between the sol- 
diers of the Emperor and those of the viceroy. The Emperor 
immediately sent a message of thanks to Eugene's troops 
and at the same time ordered their commander-in-chief to 
join him at Ebersdorf, near Vienna, where Eugene arrived 
two days later. The meeting between Napoleon and his 
adopted son was a touching one ; the Emperor pressed 
Eugene to his heart and cried, with tears in his eyes, to the 
group of brilliant generals who assisted at this interview : 

" It was not Eugene's courage alone, but his affectionate 
disposition which brought him here," meaning thereby that 
love for, and gratitude towards his step-father rather than 
personal ambition had strengthened his arm and enabled 
him to reach Vienna. At last the Emperor was satisfied 
with his conduct. 

Forgetting all his past troubles, Eugene, with a light 
heart, wrote off a few lines to his wife telling her that " the 
Emperor had been extremely kind and amiable " to him, 
and that he had repeated several times that he was satisfied 
with him and with the armee d' Italic. 

Napoleon considered that he could not reward Eugene 
better than by sending him into Hungary, there to complete 
his victory over the archduke Johann. In one of his letters, 
written just before meeting the Emperor, Eugene tells his 
wife that " he hopes that he and his men will be able to 
take a little rest and give themselves a good cleaning, 
which," he assures her, " they all require." But he was 
not allowed to waste much time in Vienna, neither was he 
able to take the rest he required, for on June 4th he went 
to the Emperor's head-quarters at Wiener Neustadt and re- 
ceived instructions as to how he was to accomplish the 
complete submission of the archduke Johann. The prospect 
of finding himself in a land where he did not understand the 
language caused him some dismay, for he had already found 
German too much for him, as he tells Augusta : " It is use- 
less for me to rack my brain over the German language, I 



THE EMPEROR'S PRAISE 215 

can scarcely remember three or four sentences at a time. 
And now I am about to find myself surrounded by proud, 
haughty Hungarians whose language I cannot speak. How- 
ever, I shall be content with my mother-tongue and with 
Italian : those two languages are quite enough for me." 

The letter ends with the following characteristic sen- 
tence : " When I feel tired, I console myself with the 
thought that the Emperor is pleased with me and that I 
am not forgotten in Milan. Your faithful husband, Eugene." 

Eugene hoped to fall upon the archduke Johann before 
the commander-in-chief of the Austrian troops could cross 
the Danube. On June nth, 12th and 13th Eugene won 
several small battles, but on the 14th, the anniversary of 
the Battle of Marengo, Eugene was happy enough to rout 
the archduke completely. When announcing the news to 
his step-father, Eugene wrote : "It was the anniversary of 
too glorious a day for us not to get the best of the en- 
counter." Eugene said himself it was one of the warmest 
engagements he had ever witnessed. Six times were his 
troops repulsed while endeavouring to carry the enemy's 
position ; but there is luck in odd numbers, and the seventh 
effort was crowned with success. The enemy were twice as 
numerous as Eugene's troops, which accounts for the fact 
that Eugene did not win the battle without sustaining 
considerable losses. Generals Anthouard, Delacroix and 
Debreme were all badly wounded, and Eugene's mameluke, 
Petrus, while standing behind his master, was shot in the 
head. On hearing of this battle — called the Battle of Raah, 
from the town near which it was fought — Napoleon, who 
was then at Schonbrunn, exclaimed : 

" Well done, Eugene, that's the way to become a king ! " 

And so highly did the Emperor think of this victory that 
when speaking of the Battle of Raab in after years he fre- 
quently termed it " the granddaughter of the Battle of 
Marengo." But the townsfolk of Raab were determined 
not to yield to the viceroy ; they shut themselves up in 
their town and prepared to endure the horrors of a siege. 
After being bombarded for two whole days, which operation 
reduced half the town to ashes, the inhabitants consented 
to allow the victor to enter. Eugene speaks in his memoirs 
of seeing whole streets of houses reduced to heaps of ruins. 



2i6 eug£ne de beauharnais 

The scenes witnessed by the viceroy during this campaign 
made a very vivid and painful impression upon his mind. 
Again and again he tells Augusta how he longs to be home 
again, surrounded by his little family, the two curly-haired 
choux who, we may be sure, longed for his return as much 
as he himself did. The Emperor displayed a fatherly 
interest in Augusta. Having sent Eugene to finish his 
task in Hungary, Napoleon did not forget the lonely young 
wife in far-away Milan, a stranger in a strange land, and he 
writes to reassure her concerning her husband's safety : 

" SCHONBRUNN, JunC l^th, 1809. 

" My Daughter — I have received your letter of June 2nd ; 
I thank you for what you say in it. I have been informed 
of ypur splendid behaviour during the troubles in Italy and 
of the courage you displayed during certain events. I am 
delighted that you have afforded me another occasion on 
which to appreciate your character. Eugene is in Hungary, 
where he is beating the enemy. 

" P.S. — I have just this minute received news that 
Eugene, on the 14th inst., the anniversary of the Battle of 
Marengo, won a battle at Raab, in Hungary, over the arch- 
duke Johann and the Prince Palatine ; he took 3000 
prisoners, several cannon, and 4 flags." 

Four days later the Emperor, although overwhelmed with 

business of all sorts, finds time to send another kind letter 

to his " daughter " : ,< o •• -r ,1 

° ScHONBRUNN, June igih. 

" My Daughter — Caffarelli will have given you news of 
Eugene and of the battle of Raab. I heard from him 
yesterday ; he was then outside Komorn.^ The armies of 
the archduke Johann and the Prince Palatine, after their 
defeat, crossed the Danube at Komom. The alarm has 
spread to Buda, and the Empress^ has already left that 

1 Here is a pretty anecdote concerning Komom, whose townsfolk have 
always enjoyed a reputation for being particularly vahant. There is a 
saying that when summoned to capitulate, the usual answer from the 
battlements was, " Komme morgen " (Kom-morn), a play upon the name 
of their beloved town. A stone figure of a woman is still to be seen at a 
corner of one of the old streets bearing the inscription " Kom-morn ! " 
(Come to-morrow !) 

^ Maria Ludovica Beatrix, princess of Modena, married the emperor 
Francis I of Austria in 1808, and died without issue, April 17th, 181 6. 



OPINION OF THE VICEROY 217 

town. You must not be anxious if you do not hear from 
your husband for some days." 

Two days later comes yet another letter in which " the 
Monster of Nature," as he was called by at least one of his 
neighbours, again assures her that she has no need to be 
alarmed, that Eugene is in good health, etc. etc. 

We will now reproduce a couple of pages from the 
Memoires des guerres de Napoleon, by Desire Chlapowski, 
who, as one of Napoleon's generals, was in a position to 
judge of the merits or demerits of the viceroy : 

"... Prince Eugene marched towards Oldenburg and 
Steinamanger,! and thus pursued the archduke Johann far 
into Hungary. 

" The archduke, having rejoined the Hungarian army, 
chose a very advantageous position at Sabadegy, three hours 
distant from Raab. Prince Eugene attacked him at once 
and forced him to abandon this position after defending it 
for some hours. That same evening the armee d'ltalie 
advanced as far as Raab, which town is surrounded by very 
old walls. 

" The archduke Johann had left a garrison of 3000 men 
in this town in order to divert the Prince's attention, while 
he himself retreated three leagues away and crossed the 
Danube at Komorn. 

" Before the battle of Raab, the Emperor sent me to 
Marshal Davout,^ who had not reached Presburg at that 
time, in order to inform him that Prince Eugene was in 
Hungary and marching towards Raab, and to advise him 
to join that Prince ; having done this, I was to return to 
Vienna by the shortest route and tell the Emperor what I 
had seen. 

" I took a little post-chaise and reached the spot where 
Davout was ; he gave me a horse, which I mounted and 
rode after his cavalry, which had already crossed the borders 
of Hungary and were now on the road to Heimburg^ and 
Raab. I took with me fifteen of the best -mounted hussars, 
and I left Kitsee on my right, supposing that I should still 

^ The Hungarian name of this town is Szombathely. 
^ Davout, prince d'Eckmiihl, marshal of France (1770-1823): distin- 
guished himself at Ulm, Austerlitz and Eckmiihl. 
^ Probably Hainburg. 



2i8 eug£ne de beauharnais 

find Eugene in the neighbourhood of Papa, as the Emperor 
himself thought when he showed me on the map the route 
I was to follow from Kitsee to Papa. . . . 

" I reached Raab at ten o'clock, just as Prince Eugene 
was about to enter the town, which had surrendered after 
having been bombarded for two days. 

" The Prince only stayed there a short time and then 
started for a castle in the neighbourhood which had been 
prepared to receive him, and where the Italian guards, two 
battalions of grenadiers and two battalions of light infantry, 
with one hundred Lombardy horse-guards, had already 
arrived. 

" While we were breakfasting I learnt from Prince Eugene 
and from General Macdonald (with more details from 
General Gifflenga, the Prince's staff -officer) all the incidents 
connected with the battle of Raab ; I took copious notes 
in order to report the matter to the Emperor." 

Eugene's cup of happiness was full when he received one 
of those letters of praise from his step-father which were 
perhaps all the more precious because they were so rare ; 
he considered himself more than rewarded on receiving 
orders to withdraw his troops from Raab, send all his sick 
men and lame horses to Schonbrunn and join the Grand 
Army ; the junction of the two armies was effected on 
July 5th. The morrow saw the beginning of that great 
Battle of Wagram, which lasted for forty-eight hours, the 
honour of winning which battle Napoleon wrote on his copy 
of the mysterious " Manuscrit venu de Sainte Helene d'une 
maniere inconnue " belonged not to Macdonald, but to 
Eugene. 

I will leave to other and abler pens the task of painting 
the fighting and winning of the Battle of Wagram, that 
gigantic struggle between two great nations ; it suffices to 
say that Eugene must have had a large share in that victory, 
for when, in obedience to his step-father's commands, he 
attacked the Austrians on the eve of that famous battle, he 
did so with complete success. It was upon this occasion 
that Eugene was fated to suffer for his blind faith in the 
Emperor's talents, for, having received orders from his step- 
father to attack an isolated portion of the Austrian army. 



AFTER THE BATTLE 219 

he was warned by Macdonald that if he obeyed he would 
bjjii>worsted, and advised to tell the Emperor that an attack 
at such a moment would cost much and gain nothing. But 
Eugene lacked the necessary pluck to tell the Emperor that 
he was mistaken in his judgment. " I can't do it," said he ; 
" he sent me orders to attack, so let us attack ! " 

Alas ! Macdonald had guessed aright, for Eugene lost 
several valuable soldiers through this useless encounter. 
The memory of this little check was blotted out when, 
some hours later, the archduke Johann, while retreating, 
suddenly turned unexpectedly and endeavoured to stem the 
flood of glittering steel and streaming manes which was 
pursuing him, whereupon Eugene, although beaten back for 
a moment, gathered up his men with a cry of " Vive I'Em- 
pereur ! " and fell upon the archduke's troops with such 
determination that they were driven far away from the 
scene of their defeat. 

In the bright sunshine of the morning after that great 
battle the Emperor, at eight o'clock, passed between the 
bivouacs of the armee d'ltalie and said to the weary troops 
taking a few hours of well-earned rest : 

" You are brave fellows ! You have covered yourselves 
with glory ! " Was it not worth while to serve such a master ? 

Eugene's men deserved this praise, for during the battle 
no less than 150,000 bullets were fired by the two armies, 
and of these bullets 30,000 were directed against his own 
particular corps. Generals Pons and Valvassone were very 
seriously wounded, and several officers had their horses 
killed under them. 

At the Emperor's desire Eugene, together with a portion 
of the armee d'ltalie and the Saxon and Wiirtemberg troops, 
remained for a few days in the vicinity of Vienna in order to 
protect that city from any attempts of the Austrian generals, 
Chasteler and Gyulay,^ to recover lost ground. However, 
the Austrian and Hungarian troops were completely de- 
moralized. 

On July loth Eugene won a small victory over the Hun- 
garians, when he captured a bridge over the March. 

1 Gyulay, Ignaz, count (i 763-1 831) : fought successfully against the 
Turks ; to him is imputed the fault of having allowed Napoleon to escape 
after the disastrous battle of Leipsic. Gyulay was ban of Croatia, Dal- 
matia and Esclavonia. 



220 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Four days later the armistice signed by the two Emperors 
at Znaym assured peace, for a month at least, to both armies, 
which, after so many long weeks of constant marching and 
endless engagements, were thankful to rest. Eugene, who 
was fighting away on the banks of the March, did not learn 
of the armistice until thirty-six hours after the treaty had 
been signed ; so that, as he himself told Augusta, he had the 
pleasure of receiving the enemy's last bullets. 

Eugene now transferred his head-quarters to Presburg, 
which town, like Raab, had had much to endure from the 
French invaders, many lives and over two hundred houses 
having been destroyed by fire and shot. 

While at Presburg, Eugene went to visit the battle-field 
of Austerlitz, from whence he proceeded to Vienna, where 
Metternich^ and the comte de Champagny^ were trying to 
negotiate a durable peace and where he, in obedience to his 
step-father's orders, remained until the close of the armistice. 

Vienna at that time was the meeting-place of many people 
of note. Eugene's letters to his wife are full of interesting 
details. We cannot refrain from reproducing some of these 
letters ; not only do they bring the past before our eyes, 
but they show Eugene in his true colours as no word-picture 
of ours could do : 

" Vienna, July 22nd, 1809. 

" I have just returned from my expedition, my dear 
Augusta, and I hasten to send you my news, which is good. 
I have come to spend a few days in Vienna in order to see 
the Emperor. I saw Louis [his wife's brother] this morning ; 
he has much improved since we last met. We breakfasted 
with the Emperor ; I hope that we shall see a good deal of 

^ Metternich, Clement Wenceslas Nepomuk, prince of (i 773-1 859) : 
celebrated Austrian diplomatist, to whom were entrusted several important 
negotiations, including the marriage between Napoleon and Marie-Louise, 
the secret treaties concluded between Russia and Austria, and Austria 
and England with a view to chpping Napoleon's pinions. His marked 
conservative opinions made him very unpopular with many of his com- 
patriots, and led to his leaving Austria and spending three or four years 
in England. On his return to his native land he lived in retirement. 

* Champagny, Jean-Baptiste Nompere de (i 756-1 834), due de Cadore. 
He began life in the French navy, was elected deputy in 1789. Napoleon 
appointed him as ambassador to Vienna in 1801 ; in 1804 he was made 
Minister of the Interior ; and eight years later he, as Foreign Minister, 
opened negotiations for the hand of Marie-Louise. Napoleon gave him 
the title of due de Cadore in 1808. He continued to serve the masters of 
France during the Restoration, and was made pair de France in 18 19. 



EUG£NE in VIENNA 221 

each other during my short stay here. You can guess of 
whom we talked. We spoke constantly of you, as I think 
constantly of you. I was delighted to hear that Eugenie had 
cut two teeth ; let us hope that she will cut all her teeth 
with equal facility. Allemagne^ met me at Brunn and gave 
me my letters which had been delayed at Udine ; there were 
fourteen from you ! The pleasure which I experienced on 
receiving the good news of my little family amply compen- 
sated me for all I had suffered while waiting for it to arrive. 
Adieu, my very dear Augusta, I hope that we shall not be 
parted much longer. I send you a thousand kisses to share 
between yourself and our little darlings ; write and tell me 
who got the largest share. I love you with all my heart. 
I remain your faithful husband and friend." 

" Vienna, July 26th, 1809. 
" I am sending Bataille^ to you with this letter, my good 
and beloved Augusta. Your birthday will soon come, and 
I hope that you will get my letter on the day itself. I am 
sending you a little present from Vienna which I thought 
pretty ; I hope you will admire it. I will not repeat for 
August 3rd my assurances of love and devotion : these 
sentiments are still mine and will never leave me. I send 
some toys for our little angels. I hope that Josephine will 
make her usual little birthday-speech ; how sorry I am not 
to be at home to teach it to her ! I trust that the news of 
the armistice will have quieted matters in the Italian king- 
dom ; I was much pained to hear of those riots. We are 
preparing to go to war again ; however, we have every 
reason to believe that matters will be arranged before long. 
I do not know when I shall see you again, nor when I shall 
be able to press you to my heart ; but you know, I trust, 
that whenever that happy day comes, it will bring me great 

joy." 

" Vienna, July 28th, 1809. 

"... The armistice is completely clearing this country. 

. . I dined to-day with Duroc and Bessieres ; our little 
trio had not been able to dine together for five years. After 
dinner we thought we should like to take a stroll on the 

^ Eugene's aide-de-camp. 

^ Another of Eugene's aides-de-camp. 



222 eug£ne de beauharnais 

ramparts ; but hardly had we appeared in our evening 
dress-coats when we were recognized and followed by a huge 
crowd. I had already walked there alone three or four days 
before and nobody had recognized me. But now the soldiers 
saluted us and gave our secret away. We revenged our- 
selves by going to hear the opera II matrimonio secreto ; the 
music was beautiful, as it always is, but it was badly sung. 
... I reopen my letter in order to reply to your question 
concerning the Emperor's birthday. A Te Deum must be 
sung in the royal chapel, and there must be a concert in 
the evening, together with a grand reception." 

" Vienna, August 2nd, 1809. 
" My good and beloved Augusta ... I passed yesterday 
at Schonbrunn. A German tragedy was performed there ; 
we were prodigiously bored by it. Luckily the entertain- 
ment concluded with a pretty little ballet. I am going to 
Schonbrunn again to-night, when one of Weigl's^ Italian 
operas is going to be performed. The Emperor is very kind 
to me as always ; he has given me an immense number of 
decorations for my troops. They say that the Plenipotentia- 
ries are to meet either to-morrow or the day after ; that is 
all we know. ..." 

In his next letter, dated August 3rd, Eugene tells his wife 
that he has again been to Schonbrunn, where he slept the 
night and hunted on the morrow with the Prince de Neuf- 
chatel, returning to the palace in time to go on parade and 
breakfast with the Emperor. He also alludes to Augusta's 
health ; she had lately hurt her foot, and the forced inaction 
had brought on an attack of nervous depression ; to comfort 
her, this good husband exhorts her to " trust to our star, 
a lucky star indeed, to our conscience which nothing shall 
ever sully, to the Emperor's sense of justice, and to the 
bonds of affection which unite us." 

Napoleon's birthday was kept as loyally in Vienna as if he 
had been in his own capital. A Te Deum was sung in the 
presence of the Emperor and all his generals, after which 
the Grand Army paraded with eagles waving and flags fly- 
ing, which sight was witnessed by hundreds of spectators. 

^ Weigl, Joseph (i 766-1 843) : a Hungarian composer who wrote many- 
operas for the Scala at Milan, besides numerous cantatas and oratorios. 



EUG£NE in VIENNA 223 

After a grand banquet, to which Eugene was, of course, 
invited, the Emperor drove in an open carriage through his 
camp where his brave servitors were at mess ; he received 
an enthusiastic ovation. This day, perhaps one of Napo- 
leon's happiest birthdays, ended with a display of illumina- 
tions and fireworks, during which Napoleon, clad in evening 
dress, strolled about the city arm-in-arm with Eugene, but 
was recognized by very few people. 

" Vienna is full of rumours of a peace," Eugene writes to 
his wife. " I have nothing new to tell you ; the townsfolk 
say that the talk is of nothing but war at the Emperor of 
Austria's head-quarters. But I fancy they only say that in 
order to prevent us being too hard upon them when we do 
consent to make peace. After all, we have got half their 
empire, and they can never hope to force us to abandon the 
position we now occupy." 

We have seen mention in one of Eugene's letters of the 
fact that riots had again taken place in Milan. Augusta, as 
on a previous occasion, had been able to restore order ; how- 
ever, she found it a more difficult m.atter to obtain obedience 
from some of her Italian ladies-in-waiting. Mmes. Kercolani 
and Colini, for instance, in order to be spared serving the 
excellent vice-reine, frequently excused themselves on the 
plea of bad health ; however, when they came, expecting 
to be paid as much as the other ladies who had continued 
to fulfil their duties, they found that Eugene had decided 
otherwise and that he was acting with the Emperor's 
approval. 

In a letter written about this time Eugene urges his wife 
to go to Monza and to invite some of her ladies to pay her 
short visits of four or five days' duration ; for, says he, " they 
will cheer you up and you wiU become better acquainted 
with one another : it is necessary to know those with whom 
we live." 

As the month of September passed away, the chances of a 
peace being signed increased. Although the two Emperors 
corresponded frequently, Napoleon still considered it ad- 
visable to act as if preparing to go to war again. The 
partisans of both declared that their rulers desired to make 
peace and expressed their opinion that certain difficulties 
would soon be smoothed away. And, indeed, Austria was 



224 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

not in a condition to fight yet awhile. The brave Tyrolese 
under Andreas Hofer, the national martyr, were said to be 
without food, arms or ammunition; and, what was more, 
the greatest anarchy was reported to reign among the little 
band of patriots. Winter promised to be early that year ; 
it was already very cold, and Napoleon hoped that the first 
fall of snow would drive them from their mountain fast- 
nesses and oblige them to seek shelter in the valleys below. 
Towards the end of September, Napoleon held several re- 
views, when Eugene's army, which the Emperor had lately 
increased by four cavalry regiments — thus giving the viceroy 
9000 cavalry troops— came in for a large share of praise. 
These reviews lasted several hours ; Eugene terms them 
" games of miniature warfare." But just as everybody was 
congratulating his neighbour that peace was about to be 
concluded came the news that the negotiations between 
France and Austria had received a check. Eugene writes : 

" Vienna, October 6th, 1809. 

"... Everything was going on splendidly ; some de- 
tachments of the royal guard had already set off on the road 
to Munich ; but I fancy the Austrian Plenipotentiaries have 
been again guilty of underhand dealing, for these troops 
have suddenly been recalled. However, another interview 
has taken place, and it is said that the peace may be signed 
the day after to-morrow. So in forty-eight hours I shall be 
able to tell you something definite and, perhaps, think of 
starting for home. I need not tell you that I think often 
of you, for you are never out of my mind. I have made 
some purchases during the last few days. ..." 

So much depended upon the peace being signed ; many a 
mother in France, Italy, Austria and Hungary trembled lest 
her son, having escaped death hitherto, should perish in a 
new and more horrible war ; many a toil-worn peasant 
dreaded to see that ominous cloud of dust appear on the 
horizon, draw nearer and, as it passed, swallow up all that 
was worth taking, leaving starvation and desolation in its 
wake ; many a footsore soldier shuddered lest he should 
hear the call to war again, not because courage was lacking, 
but because the smell of gunpowder and carnage and the 



PEACE IS SIGNED 225 

sight of suffering and death wear out the nerves, if not the 
courage. 

Eugene felt the suspense of those days of uncertainty very 
keenly ; was not everything which makes life worth living — 
a charming wife, two little children, some true friends, many 
professedly faithful subjects — calling to him from the blue 
distance ? 

But he had not much time to worry about what the future 
would bring him ; the present provided sufficient difficulties 
to occupy his mind, for we find from a letter written by him 
to the Prince de Neufchatel (Berthier) that some " English 
brigands " had made a descent upon the coast of Istria and 
steps had to be taken to stop their advance. 

" Vienna, October 10th, 1809. 

" I hasten to inform Your Highness that I have lately 

received news that the English have landed fifty brigands 

on the coast of Istria and that fresh troubles have broken 

out in that department. I immediately wrote to General 

Baraguey d'Hilliers ordering him to send a marching column 

of 5000 or 6000 men under the command of an intelligent 

officer. The garrison of Triest, comprising the 3rd battalion 

of the 22nd light horse and the 3rd and 4th battalions of 

the 79th regiment of troops of the line, can furnish these 

troops. I beg Your Highness kindly to inform His Majesty 

of this step and to receive, etc. etc. ,, ^ ^ ,, 

^ Eugene. 

At last, on October 14th, 1809, the long-expected peace, 
called the Peace of Znaym, was signed. The Emperor im- 
mediately returned to Paris. But Eugene was not to see 
his beloved Augusta for another four weeks ; before start- 
ing for home he had to complete his task by pacifying the 
Tyrol, which had been the scene of constant battles for 
several months. 



CHAPTER IX 

Eugene tries persuasion in the Tyrol — He issues a proclamation to the 
Tyrolese and thereby offends his father-in-law — He wishes to obtain 
an interview with Andreas Hofer — Return to Milan — Napoleon accords 
a strange reception to Eugene's cousin — Eugene is requested to come 
to Paris — The blow falls — A painful family meeting — The Bonapartes 
triumph over the de Beauharnais— The ex-Empress retires to La 
Malmaison— Eugene's opinion is asked — He returns home — The vice- 
regal couple assist at the Emperor's second marriage. 

THE news that the peace had been signed must have 
been very welcome to the vice-reine ; did it not mean 
that her husband would soon be free to return home to his 
" dearest Augusta and the two little angels " ? 

At the Emperor's wish, Eugene stayed in Vienna until 
the treaty was ratified, which done, he was to repair to the 
Tyrol, there to re-establish order either by force or per- 
suasion. On receiving news that the peace was really about 
to be signed, Eugene sent word to his Ministers in Milan 
ordering Te Deums to be sung in all the churches throughout 
the kingdom of Italy, and Augusta was begged to have one 
sung in her own private chapel. 

The Emperor took an affectionate farewell of his step-son 
on leaving Vienna, promising to invite him and his wife to 
Paris during the coming winter. He also did something else 
before leaving the conquered town, something very cha- 
racteristic : he blew up the fortifications of Vienna — " it 
was a magnificent sight ! " writes Eugene. 

It was Eugene's intention to persuade, not to force, the 
Tyrolese to submit to the Emperor of France ; but this the 
Tyrolese were determined not to do. Backed by Austria, 
who had given them to understand that she would soon be 
in a position again to take up arms against her master, en- 
couraged by the clergy, always a powerful factor in Austria 
and Bavaria, the Tyrolese, under Andreas Hofer, the cour- 
ageous innkeeper-patriot, resisted Eugene's army, notwith- 
standing the fact that winter was coming and that Eugene was 
seconded by the very capable General Baraguey d'Hilliers. 

From Villach, Eugene, with Napoleon's permission, issued 
a proclamation to the Tyrolese in which he urged them to 

226 



EUG£NE offends his father-in-law 227 
lay down their arms and submit to the inevitable. He was 
influenced to do this by his belief that the Tyrolese would 
submit as soon as the news of the Peace of Znaym had 
penetrated into their green valleys, 

Andreas Hofer must have heard of Eugene's reputation 
for clemency, for, encouraged by this proclamation, he wrote 
to the viceroy begging for mercy and, at the same time, 
recommended his compatriots to submit to Napoleon's will. 
Eugene's proclamation, and still more the letter which it 
had called forth, gave great offence to the King of Bavaria, 
who immediately wrote off to his son-in-law : 

" My dear Son — I have just heard of the letter which the 
chief of the insurgents wrote to you, in which he asked that 
my troops might be recalled from the Tyrol and that he 
might be allowed to go to Inspruck {sic) without running the 
risk of being molested by my officers. You ought to realize, 
my dear son, that if you grant this request, my authority 
will be compromised. I will not conceal from you the fact 
that the fault lies with your proclamation, in which you de- 
clared that you would appoint a commission to examine 
their petition ; that is not the way to address rebellious sub- 
jects, and they will begin again at the very first opportunity. 

" I have too much faith in your affection and in your feel- 
ings of honour not to be convinced that you will not allow 
the authority or the rights which every sovereign possesses 
over his subjects to be compromised. The Tyrolese are an 
infamous nation, capable of committing the most horrible 
crimes : witness the treason of which they were guilty only 
four days ago against General Drouet ; ^ he has probably told 
you all about the matter. Once again, my dearest child, I 
trust to your affection and to your feelings of justice." 

Eugene was surprised and angered at the unexpected effect 
produced upon his father-in-law by his proclamation, which 
was couched in the language of common sense and humanity. 
How differently the King of Bavaria and the viceroy of Italy 
looked at matters is shown in a letter written by Eugene to 
his wife : 

^ Drouet d'Erlon, Jean Baptiste, comte (1765-1844), fought during 
the wars of the RepubUc and the Empire, when Napoleon made him a 
marshal. He joined his master during the Cent- Jours, fought at Waterloo, 
and was condemned to death by default in 181 6, when he took refuge 
in Prussia. He returned to France in 1825 and was made Governor of 
Algeria. 



228 eug£ne de beauharnais 

" I do not consider that a sovereign's dignity is offended 
by hearing and receiving the complaints and petitions of his 
subjects, when those subjects, as I have already stated, have 
laid down their arms and have ceased fighting." And then 
he concludes with this bitter remark : 

" I curse this mission a thousand times. If we succeed, we 
shall do so at the cost of our honour ; if we lose, shame will be 
our guerdon." 

Eugene's proclamation, however, had other and happier 
resuhs ; for, as his troops penetrated farther into the fair land 
of Tyrol, many of the insurgents returned to their homes and 
laid down their arms. Nevertheless, Andreas Hofer was not 
always obeyed by his followers, for the viceroy's soldiers 
were sometimes attacked in lonely places and severely 
worsted. But Eugene wisely ordered his men not to re- 
tahate, saying, in excuse of the assailants, that they were 
probably drunk and did not know what they were about. 
He knew that the greater portion of the inhabitants of the 
Tyrol had sworn to shed the last drop of their blood rather 
than bow to Napoleon's will, and he himself believed that 
this guerilla warfare would prove too much for his troops, 
accustomed to fighting in wide, open spaces, under the 
broad dome of the heavens. 

Eugene now sent his cousin and aide-de-camp Tascher to 
request Andreas Hofer to have an interview, in order that 
they might arrange matters amicably, and thus avoid more 
bloodshed. 

But Hofer had changed his intentions meanwhile ; the 
clergy had persuaded him to continue his resistance, and so 
the interview between these two men who were made to 
understand one another never came off. 

The Emperor, furious at the failure of his attempt to be 
conciliating, sent commands to Eugene to issue a second pro- 
clamation, in which he gave notice that all Tyrolese found 
with fire-arms in their possession would be shot. In future 
there was war to the knife between the Tyrolese and the vice- 
roy's troops. Andreas Hofer must have regretted having 
listened to Austria when she, probably dreading another visit 
from Napoleon, suddenly withdrew her support and left poor 
Hofer to take care of himself and his compatriots. 

On January 27th, 1810, this brave son of the soil was taken 



RETURN HOME 229 

captive in the Passierthal ; he was first sent to Trent and 
then to Mantua, where, after a mock trial, he was shot, not- 
withstanding all Eugene's efforts to persuade his step-father 
to spare his prisoner's life. 

But we must go back to Eugene, who at last received per- 
mission from the Emperor to return to the home from which 
he had now been absent nearly eight months. He started 
from Villach November 12th, and reached Milan two days 
later. With what joy the young couple met again after this 
long absence ! And now the town of Milan woke up from its 
long sleep with the return of the Prince Charming. Balls, 
concerts, receptions of all sorts were given by everybody who 
could afford to do so. Te Deums were sung in all the churches 
in the capital. Eugene, in his gratitude to the brave victims 
of the Austrian campaign, endowed sixty young girls, daugh- 
ters or sisters of those who had left Italy never to return. 

But his happiness was of short duration. 

From the East, the storehouse of Wisdom, come the 
following lines : 

. . . "Be ever fearful of trouble when all seems fair and clear, 
For the easy is soon made grievous by the swift transforming sphere. 
Forth will it drive remorseless when it deemeth the time at hand 
The king from his court and castle, the lord from his house and land. 
Seek for the mean in all things, nor strive to fulfil your gain, 
For the Moon when the full it reacheth is already about to wane." ^ 

Eugene's cousin Tascher having expressed a wish to visit 
his family in France, the viceroy granted his request, at the 
same time charging him to give the Emperor full particulars 
concerning the state of affairs in the Tyrol. 

On reaching Paris, young Tascher had a very strange 
interview with the Emperor, to whom he paid his first visit. 
He concluded that somebody had been trying to prejudice 
the Emperor against the viceroy, when Napoleon, instead of 
receiving him kindly and asking after the health of his " son 
and daughter," blurted out this cruel question : 

" Has Eugene sent you to spy upon me ? " 

Before the astonished aide-de-camp could find a suitable 
reply the Emperor added : 

" Have you seen your cousin ? " 

Tascher, like many of his contemporaries, never felt quite 
at his ease when conversing with the Emperor, not even 
^ Nasir-i-Khusraw's Diwan. 



230 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

when that Emperor happened to be in a contented frame of 
mind, which was not often. But when, as on this occasion, 
that pale, handsome face— which was already beginning to 
lose the look of keen intelligence which we note in his earlier 
portraits— that look which, as he himself said, " electrified his 
fellow-creatures "—bore an expression of distrust and great 
displeasure, Tascher must have wished himself anywhere 
but in the Emperor's study. However, he was able to mur- 
mur a few words to the effect that he had only just reached 
Paris, that his travelling-carriage was still in the courtyard 
of the Tuileries. After questioning him for some minutes, 
Napoleon showed his wife's cousin a door leading to a secret 
staircase, and said : 

" Go and see your cousin." 

Tascher found Josephine in tears ; she flung herself into 
his arms, crying and sobbing : 

"He wants to get rid of me; he wants to divorce me. 
Where is Eugene ? When does he arrive ? " 

Tascher assured his cousin that this was the first he had 
heard about a divorce, and said that he was quite sure that 
Eugene knew nothing about the matter. 

But the viceroy was soon to hear all about it. On Novem- 
ber 26th, only a fortnight after his return home, he received 
the following letter from the man who had once found 
pleasure in calling him and treating him as his son : 

" My Son— If nothing prevents you, I should like you to 
start from Milan so as to reach Paris December 5th or 6th. 
Come alone. Travel with three carriages and four or five 
attendants. Come through Fontainebleau— that is to say, 
if nothing prevents you leaving home." 

Hortense, whose love for her brother made her anxious to 
break the terrible blow to him, hastened to Fontainebleau in 
order to see him before he reached Paris, and warn him that 
the long-dreaded event, which had already caused both him 
and his mother so much bitterness in anticipation, was now 
to cease to be a threat and to become a punishment. 

So Eugene started from Milan. From a short letter, written 
December 3rd, 1809, from the hospice on the Mont Cenis, in 
which he tells the vice-reine that the weather is shocking, and 
that the Queen of Naples had been obhged to wait three days 
before attempting the pass, we find that he had no idea when 



THE BLOW FALLS 231 

he left Milan why the Emperor required his presence in Paris. 
But his first letter from the capital tells the happy wife at 
home the terrible news : " Paris, December yth, 1809. 

" I arrived here this morning, my dearest Augusta, My 
sister came as far as Fontainebleau in order to meet me. . . . 
I was very glad to see my good sister again. I could not tell 
you the reason of my journey before my departure, my kind 
friend, because I did not know it. . . ." 

He then tells her everything — perhaps her loving heart 
had already guessed a great deal ; he ends thus : 

" It is indispensable for the Emperor's peace of mind that 
everything should be arranged in a seemly manner. You 
know me well enough to realize my feelings about the matter. 
The only thing which enables me to bear what I am now 
going through is the knowledge that I possess your affection, 
and that your love for me is, like yourself, absolutely trust- 
worthy. . . , Adieu, my good friend ; I love you, and shall love 
you all my life, as well as our two dear children. I shall be 
back in Milan much sooner than I at first expected." 

As Eugene's own residence in Paris had been given by the 
Emperor to one of his brothers, the viceroy took up his abode 
in Joseph Bonaparte's hotel in the rue Marboeuf, His first 
visit was for his mother. It must have been some consolation 
to Josephine to talk to her son and to weep out all her sorrow 
and remorse on the honest heart of that good Eugene who 
would so gladly have taken her burden of grief from her, 
and borne it on his own broad shoulders. On learning the 
news that her husband, by his mother's divorce, would in 
all probability be cast on one side and forgotten should the 
Emperor contract another union, and thus form newer and 
dearer ties, Augusta wrote a few words of loving consolation 
to the wounded viceroy ; this letter was supplemented on the 
morrow by another and a longer missive : 

" Milan, December 13th, 1809. 

" I know not what I said to you in my letter yesterday, my 
tenderly beloved husband. I was quite crushed by the news 
of the divorce ; my grief was all the more poignant because it 
was for you that I grieved. I can quite realize the painful 
position in which you are now placed. Although so far 
away, I can see the expression of joy on the faces of those 



232 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

who are doing us this grievous harm. But they are powerless 
to harm us as they would like to do, for they cannot rob 
you of your spotless reputation and your blameless con- 
science. You do not deserve these misfortunes ; I say 
these, because I expect others await us. I am ready for 
everything, but I shall regret nothing if I still keep your 
affection ; on the contrary, I shall be happy to prove to 
you that I love you for yourself alone. Our names may 
be erased from the list of great personages, but they will 
be inscribed on the title-role of happy mortals. And is it 
not better so ? I do not write to your poor mother. What 
could I say to her ? Assure her of my respect and affection. 
You tell me that you will soon be back ; these words have 
eased my grief. I am longing to see you again. Do not 
imagine that I shall allow myself to be dov/n-hearted. 
No, my Eugene, my courage is equal to yours, and I wish 
to prove to you that I am worthy to be your wife. Adieu, 
dear friend ; continue to love me, and trust in the love 
with which I have sworn to cherish you until the last 
moment of my life. " Augusta." 

Eugene having, with some difficulty, persuaded his 
mother to see that she must give in to the inevitable, now 
proposed that she should have an interview with the 
Emperor in the presence of himself and Hortense. 

Napoleon had already talked the matter over with 
Hortense, when he had tried to get her to influence her 
mother to ask for a divorce. But she had refused to do so, 
whereupon Napoleon had dismissed her with these words : 

" Very well, then ; I will see Eugene when all the persons 
whom I am now expecting have arrived." 

Those persons were Kings Jerome, Murat and Louis, Prin- 
cess Pauline and the Queen of Naples, a fit audience to witness 
the end of the de Beauharnais' reign. The interview between 
Napoleon, Josephine, Hortense and Eugene now took place. 

Napoleon's face betrayed what he was suffering on greeting 
his step-son ; he could only nod his head and take Eugene's 
hand when the latter asked him if it was true that he had 
made up his mind to divorce the Empress. On hearing his 
reply, Eugene said : 

" Sire, allow me to bid you farewell." 

" What do you mean ? " asked the Emperor. 



A PAINFUL FAMILY MEETING 233 

" Oh ! Sire, the son of her who is no longer Empress can- 
not retain his position as viceroy. I will accompany my 
mother to her retreat — I will console her." 

" Do you want to leave me, then, Eugene ? You / . . . ah ! 
you do not know the reasons which force me to take this step. 
Supposing I have a son, the child for which I have so often 
longed, the son who is so necessary to me, who will take my 
place by his side when I am absent ? Who would be a father 
to him if I died ? Who would make a man of him ? " 

The Emperor's eyes filled with tears. Did some mysterious 
warning come to him at that moment when he was about to 
realize his most ambitious projects, that his child would need 
a father's care some day and find it not ? 

Napoleon pressed Eugene to his heart. . . . 

The King of Naples knew what he was talking about when 
he said that " royalties had no relations," thereby meaning 
that the deepest affections, the tenderest ties, must give way 
to the cold reality of a golden sceptre. 

Napoleon then pointed out to the sad little trio standing 
before him that his divorce was a political necessity ; he 
assured them that it grieved him deeply to be separated 
from the Empress whom he so deeply loved— perhaps he 
never realized how dearly until she was no more — who so 
thoroughly deserved his affection, he added generously. 
" But," said he in conclusion, " my position forces me to 
sacrifice my affections to the interests of my people." He 
then assured them that any union he might contract in the 
future would be powerless to make him forget his affection 
for them, and that he should always take an interest in their 
future. Vain promises ! 

Josephine, struggling to repress her tears, cried : 

" Ah ! when once we are separated, my children will soon 
be forgotten ! " And then she clumsily spoilt the whole effect 
by adding : 

" Make Eugene King of Italy ! By so doing you will satisfy 
my ambition as his mother ; and, what is more, your conduct, 
I dare to believe, will be approved by all the foreign powers." 

But Eugene now broke in with : 

" No ! no ! I will not have my name mixed up in this 
painful affair ! " 

Then turning to his mother, he added : 



234 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

" Your son would have nothing to do with a crown which 
had been purchased at the cost of a divorce." 

Taking Hortense's hand in his, he said to his step-father : 

" Our mother must go, and we must go with her ; and then 
we three will do penance in some secluded spot for having 
known an ephemeral grandeur by which our lives have been 
saddened rather than gladdened." 

At these words Napoleon could not restrain his tears. 

On Josephine still urging him to make her son King of 
Italy, Eugene tried to cut short this painful interview by 
remarking to her : 

" If you accede to the Emperor's request, he ought to 
consider you and you alone." 

Napoleon again did justice to Eugene's noble qualities, for 
he replied : 

" Eugene speaks like the good-hearted fellow he is ; he 
does well to trust to my affection." 

On December 15th, 1809, at seven o'clock at night, two 
gentlemen entered the throne-room of the palace of the 
Tuileries ; of these two gentlemen, one, the prime arch- 
chancellor, Cambaceres by name, seemed in remarkably good 
spirits ; while the face of the other, the comte Regnault de 
Saint- Jean d'Angely,^ bore an expression of sadness. A few 
minutes later the folding doors of the Emperor's sanctum 
were thrown open and the visitors were ushered into the 
presence of a little group of kings, queens and princes, all of 
whom had been invited to witness the downfall of the de 
Beauharnais dynasty. They made a brave show : there were 
the King and Queen of Naples, the King and Queen of West- 
phalia, the Queens of Spain and Holland, Princess Pauline, 
Madame Mere, the viceroy of Italy, and the two principal 
actors in the political tragedy. 

Napoleon betrayed little or no emotion while addressing 
his audience, and stated his reasons for wishing to divorce 
his wife in a voice which scarcely trembled. 

Josephine, who was dressed all in white, and who looked 
even paler than usual, seemed to have resigned herself to her 
fate ; indeed she was much less moved than her children, for 

1 Regnault, Etienne (1736-1820) : called de Saint-Jean d'Angely, espoused 
the cause of the Republic, seconded General Bonaparte on the i8th Bru- 
maire, and was later made Secretary of State to the Imperial family. He 
remained faithful to the Emperor as long as he lived. 



THE BONAPARTES' TRIUMPH 235 

Hortense, who supported her mother, wept almost in- 
cessantly, while Eugene, who stood with his arms folded by 
the Emperor's side, was seized at the very beginning of the 
ordeal with a nervous fit of trembling which he vainly tried 
to master. 

Encouraged by her children's presence, Josephine rose 
from her seat and uttered a speech in which she declared her- 
self willing to be divorced since her husband's future de- 
pended upon him having an heir. During this speech, which 
was reproduced in the Moniteur on the morrow, Eugene 
turned deadly pale, and appeared on the point of fainting. 
The speeches read, the crowd of royal personages and 
courtiers began to advance towards a table upon which lay 
the official documents appertaining to the divorce, to which 
each in turn affixed his or her name and then passed into the 
throne-room. Josephine, still leaning on her daughter's arm, 
signed her name, and then left the scene of her downfall. 
With trembling hand Eugene took the pen and wrote his 
name ; hardly had he laid down the pen when he was seen to 
stagger ; he managed to reach the folding doors between the 
two rooms, but before he could pass through them he had 
fallen to the ground in a swoon. Not a hand was stretched 
out to help him ; not one of his mother's enemies expressed 
the slightest concern. And there was Jerome le petit, 
Napoleon's favourite brother, who was enjoying his revenge 
for many a little humiliation received in his boyhood, when 
Eugene had been held up to him as a model of perfection ; 
there was Pauline with her handsome Italian features dis- 
torted by a sneer ; there was Madame Mere, whose awe for 
her successful son probably prevented her displaying any 
concern for poor Eugene, whom, nevertheless, she really 
liked. As nobody attempted to help him, he was eventually 
picked up by one of the gentlemen-ushers, and given into the 
charge of his aides-de-camp, who soon brought him round. 

But the worst had still to come. Eugene, as arch-treasurer 
of the Senate, had to make his first appearance in the Senate 
on the morrow, December i6th. A cruel whim on the part of 
his step-father obliged Eugene, notwithstanding his prayers 
for mercy, to announce to the assembled senators, clad in 
their robes of state and presided over by Cambaceres,the news 
that the Emperor and the Empress had agreed to separate. 
But the composition of that speech was beyond him ; in his 



236 EUGSNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

distress he turned to Regnault de Saint- Jean d'Angely, who 
had always been friendly to him — some say M. Fontanes^ — 
and between them they composed the following address, 
which he uttered after the archchancellor, Cambaceres, had 
opened the seance : 

" My mother, I and my sister owe everything to the 
Emperor. He has acted the part of a father towards us ; he 
shall always find us his devoted children. . . . 

"It is necessary to the happiness of France that the 
founder of the fourth dynasty should be provided in his old 
age with an heir who will ensure peace and glory to us all 
and to our fatherland. . . . 

" When my mother was crowned by the hands of her 
august husband in the presence of the nation, she pledged 
herself to sacrifice all her affections to the interests of France. 
She has often been touched on beholding the mental suffer- 
ings of a man accustomed to govern and to walk unflinching 
towards the goal of his ambition. The tears which this reso- 
lution has cost the Emperor shall be my mother's crown of 
glory. ..." 

More than one historian has marvelled at Eugene's 
docility in consenting to address the senators. We cannot 
say why he obeyed this cruel behest, but we can safely say 
that Napoleon could not have chosen a better messenger to 
announce to the nation that he and Josephine had agreed to 
separate. It is not surprising that Napoleon made this 
choice : whom else could he have chosen ? Not Joseph, with 
his knack of getting himself into hot water and dragging 
others with him ; not Murat, with his hot head and blunt 
speech ; not Lucien, with his sharp tongue, for he, although 
he hated Josephine, might have compared his brother to 
Henry VIII of England, as he once compared him to Oliver 
Cromwell. We find no trace of blame for either his step- 
father or his mother in Eugene's speech — and he knew the 
faults of both and suffered for them. He only remembers 
that he is the son, and that title is dearer and more sacred to 
him than any other. Having fulfilled his mission, he im- 
mediately withdrew. The effect produced by this speech was 
like that of a rainbow after a rainy day, so different was it 

^ Fontanes, Louis, marquis de (1757-1821) : poet, professor of belles- 
lettres, president of the legislative body, statesman, senator, and, having 
voted for Napoleon's overthrow, pair de France, 



SYMPATHY FOR EUG£NE 237 

from the cut-and-dried effusions of Napoleon's usual spokes- 
men — paid to be faithful to his cause. 

The senators were so touched by Eugene's dignified bear- 
ing, that they rose in a body and proposed that a deputation 
should wait upon the viceroy with a message of sympathy 
with him in his grief. However, two or three prudent 
members having thought the matter over, and probably 
dreading the Emperor's anger, urged their fellow-senators to 
do nothing. Nevertheless, several of their number went to 
call upon Eugene at his hotel and assure him of their esteem. 
That very day Augusta wrote to her poor Eugene : 

" Milan, December 16th, 1809. 
" I have resigned myself to everything, and I bow to the 
Will of God. Your magnanimity will astonish many, but it 
cannot astonish your wife, who loves you, if possible, even 
more on account of it. I will prove to you, my dear Eugene, 
that my courage is equal to yours, although I must confess I 
never expected such events, and especially at such a time. 
Your little ones are in good health. God knows what the 
future holds for them ! Adieu ! O best of husbands ; be 
assured that my dearest wish is to please you and to give 
you proofs of an affection which will only cease with the 
life of your faithful wife, " Augusta." 

Eugene, having returned to the hotel Marbceuf, tries to 
calm himself by writing to his wife a description of the 
scene enacted on the previous evening : 

" Paris, December 16th, 1809. 

" I could not write to you yesterday, my good Augusta, 
because I remained with the Empress until midnight. At 
last the much-discussed divorce of the Emperor and my 
mother has been accomplished, A family council took place 
at the Tuileries last night. The Emperor explained the 
reasons which obliged him to separate from his wife and 
which required this sacrifice ; the Empress's reply was noble, 
dignified and full of the most touching expressions. The 
archchancellor having drawn up his official statement, we 
all signed our names. After that a private council was held, 
when the project of the senatus consultum was read. 

" This morning I went to the Senate, where, at the 
Emperor's wish, I explained the reasons of my family's 
conduct in this matter. Everything passed off very quietly, 



238 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

and the Empress was most brave and most resigned. All the 
different documents will be published in the newspapers either 
to-morrow or the day after, so you will be able to read them. 
" The Emperor is going to Trianon and the Empress to 
La Malmaison, and I am starting immediately in order to 
join her. Adieu, my dearest Augusta. I love you and our 
two children more than words can express." 

In the above letter we find no mention of what Eugene 
suffered during his ordeal, but we see that Josephine had 
already taken her first step on the road to exile. However, 
she did not go alone. No ! Eugene was by her side, ready to 
support and console her. Poor things ! they both pretended 
to be very brave, cheerful even, but neither was deceived. 
In vain did they endeavour, as they drove along that well- 
known road from Paris to La Malmaison down which the 
Emperor and the Empress had so often driven in order to 
spend a few days in that most delightful retreat, to talk as if 
nothing unusual had happened, as if the Empress had not 
passed through that door which separates the Past from the 
Present, and which, when once closed, our feeble hands can 
never open again. From La Malmaison Eugene wrote : 

" December lyth, 1809. 

" We arrived at La Malmaison last night, my dearest 
Augusta. We might have felt more cheerful had the weather 
been finer ; but it rained the whole day. The Empress is well. 
She was very unhappy this morning on revisiting the place 
where she had lived so long with the Emperor, but courage 
soon got the upper hand, and she is now resigned to her new 
position. I really believe that she will be calmer and happier 
in her mind in the future. We had several visitors this 
morning ; they say that all Paris is talking of our courage 
and of the Empress's resignation. Those who imagine that I 
regret any favour or advancement are much mistaken. I 
hope by my conduct under the circumstances to convince the 
most incredulous that I am above such things. I will not 
hide from you the fact that I was tormented by the fear lest 
this event should grieve you too much. However, I have so 
often been able to appreciate your sterling qualities that I 
love to think that you will be the first to tell me that I did 
right in acting as I did. You will have read all the documents 
concerning the matter in the Moniteur of this morning. 



AT LA MALMAISON 239 

I hope that I shall soon be back in Milan, and then you will 
be able to tell me exactly what you think. ..." 

But although the Emperor and the Empress were to be 
only friends in future, they did not cease writing to each 
other, as we find from the following letter written by Jose- 
phine a few days after retiring to La Malmaison, in which 
she reverts to Napoleon's promise to provide for Eugene in 
a suitable manner : 

" As for the need of an heir, though you may think me 
prejudiced in favour of my son, can I, ought I to keep silent 
concerning him who is the pride of my mother's heart, him 
in whom you once centred all your hopes ? So the adoption 
of January 12th, 1806, was nothing but another political lie. 
Yet there is nothing doubtful about my Eugene's talents and 
virtues. How many times did you not load him with praise ? 
What do I say ? You thought to reward him by giving him a 
throne, and often did you say that he deserved far greater 
things ! Ah ! France has often repeated your words since 
those days ; but what do you care for the wishes of France ? " 

Notwithstanding this and several other rather scolding 
letters, Eugene tells us that the Emperor came to see his ex- 
wife and that she returned his visits. 

" La Malmaison, December 26th, 1809. 

" My dear Augusta— The Emperor came to see the Em- 
press the day before yesterday, and yesterday she went to 
visit him at Trianon, when he kept her to dinner. The 
Emperor was very good and kind to her, and she seemed 
more cheerful. I have every reason to think that the Em- 
press will be much happier in her new position, and we too 
perhaps. You can believe me, because I look at the matter in 
a perfectly calm manner. I hope that your health has not 
suffered at all by the untoward news ; I beg you not to 
worry yourself. We need regret nothing. We shall always 
be happy because we shall always love each other." 

Two days later he writes another short note to his wife, in 
which he thanks her for her charming letters, tells her how 
glad he is that she approves of his conduct, and says he is 
proud to be her husband. 

But sensitive, affectionate natures such as Eugene's was 
do not pass through the fiery ordeal of affliction unscathed. 
Years after, when the past had become a dream, when his 



240 eug£ne de beauharnais 

mother had gone to her last rest in the httle parish church at 
Rueil, Eugene's eyes would fill with tears when he spoke of 
this, the most terrible period of his whole life. 

It was not that Eugene regretted his position as the 
Emperor's adopted son and all the material advantages at- 
tached thereto. No ! His behaviour both before and after his 
mother's divorce show that he cared nothing for advance- 
ment . But it was the knowledge culled from experience that 
he would soon be forgotten by the man whom he loved and 
revered as if he had been his own father ; it was the sight of 
his mother's grief and remorse, alas ! too late to do any good. 

But some drops still remained in the cup of bitterness. 

From Trianon now came a request that Eugene would 
attend a private council at which the Emperor's family and 
all his Ministers were to assist. Eugene obeyed. 

Nobody was surprised when, at that meeting, the Em- 
peror announced his intention of marrying again, and said he 
intended to choose a bride from among the members of the 
Russian, Austrian or Prussian royal families. Of course his 
hearers applauded everything he said. When Eugene was 
asked his opinion, he remarked that an Austrian princess 
would be most suitable, as she would not have to change 
her religion on becoming Empress of the French. 

When Napoleon, later, asked M. Metternich's wife in con- 
fidence if she thought that Marie-Louise, the daughter of his 
erstwhile foe, Francis I of Austria, would accept his hand in 
marriage, Mme. Metternich said she was not in a position to 
give an opinion, and advised him to apply to the Austrian 
ambassador, the Prince von Schwarzenberg.^ 

And whom did Napoleon choose to act as his spokesman in 
this delicate matter ? Neither Louis, the weak-willed, some 
say epileptic. King of Holland; nor Lucien, who was an adept 
at political double-entente ; nor clumsy Joseph ; but poor 
Eugene — as if his devotion to the Emperor had not already 
caused him enough suffering. 

So on the morrow Eugene appeared at the Austrian am- 
bassador's hotel, and in the Emperor's name and with the 
consent of the ex-Empress his mother, made overtures for 
the hand of Marie-Louise. 

We know with what unseemly joy the father of that abso- 

1 Schwarzenberg , Charles Philip, prince von {1771-1820), a distinguished 
soldier and diplomatist. 



EUG£NE returns home 241 

lutely vapid princess accepted the Emperor's proposal ; in 
giving this woman in marriage to Napoleon he revenged 
himself for all past humiliations. 

Lucien tells us that he frequently heard Napoleon express 
regret about this time that he had married the Princess 
Augusta of Bavaria to Eugene, " who did not know how to 
appreciate her, and was often unfaithful to her." However, 
as the latter assertion is made by Lucien, and by no other 
biographer of the time, we need not take it seriously. 
Napoleon's regret at being unable to marry the Princess 
Augusta proves in what high esteem he held her. Plad he 
been able to marry her, it would have been a love match — on 
his side at least — not a political marriage ; for Maximilian of 
Bavaria was an insignificant personage, possessing neither 
influence nor large territories, nor even much common sense. 

Eugene was kept in Paris on one pretext or another until 
February, 1810. During his sojourn in the capital he saw a 
good deal of his brother-in-law, Louis Bonaparte, for whom 
he felt much pity. The smouldering fire of enmity between 
Louis and Hortense had hitherto been hidden behind a 
screen of propriety, but now it was about to burst forth. 
Eugene and Madame Mere tried in vain to make peace 
between the young couple. When, later, Louis Bonaparte 
abdicated the throne of Holland, Napoleon treated him very 
harshly, set detectives upon him, and virtually kept him 
prisoner in France. 

Eugene soon saw that changes were coming in the south of 
Europe. The first change was when, in the winter of 1809-10, 
Istria and Dalmatia were separated from the kingdom of 
Italy, reunited to the provinces of Illyria, and placed under 
the government of Marmont, the due de Raguse. It is true 
that Italy received as compensation a portion of the Tyrol, 
which portion then took the name of the Upper Adige, with 
Trent as its capital. This may be termed Napoleon's first 
act of injustice towards his step-son. A decree quickly 
followed, by which the Roman provinces were united to the 
French Empire. 

At last, on February i8th, 1810, Eugene returned to Milan, 
to the calm haven of home presided over by the excellent 
vice-reine. Within a week of his return, which, as in the 
previous November, was marked by all kinds of popular re- 
joicings, he received the following letter from his step-father : 
Q 



242 eug£ne de beauharnais 

" Paris, February 26th, 1810. 
" My Son — The Emperor of Austria having granted my re- 
quest for the hand of his daughter, the Archduchess Marie- 
Louise, of whose virtues and good quahties I am well aware, I 
have determined to fix the date of the celebration of my mar- 
riage in Paris for March 29th. I have sent the Prince de Neuf- 
chatel to act as witness at the marriage by proxy, which will 
take place in Vienna, so that the Empress will reach Com- 
piegne on the 23rd, when I shall hope to receive her. For this 
important ceremony, I have resolved to assemble the princes 
and princesses belonging to my family ; so I give you notice 
in this letter, hoping that nothing will prevent you being in 
Paris by March 20th." 

Napoleon, on divorcing his wife, had promised that 
Eugene should not suffer in any way ; but when it was 
rumoured in Milan that Eugene, whom the Milanese had be- 
come accustomed to consider as their future king, was about to 
be presented with the grand-duchy of Frankfort (which, how- 
ever, he never enjoyed) and no mention was made of Italy's 
fate, the least discontented of his subjects began to murmur. 

An announcement bearing Napoleon's signature appeared 
in the _Monitetcr for March 4th, 1810, in which, after in- 
forming the people of Italy that he was going to make Eugene 
grand-duke of Frankfort on the death of the present owner of 
that title, ^ the Emperor paid the following tribute to the 
viceroy's virtues : 

" We find much pleasure in giving another proof of our 
esteem and genuine affection for a young prince whose first 
steps in the art of governing and of making war we ourselves 
directed ; who, in the midst of so many vicissitudes, has 
never caused us a moment of displeasure, but who, on the 
contrary, has always seconded our eftorts with a prudence 
beyond what we could expect at his age ; and latterly, at the 
head of our enemies, has shown no less courage than know- 
ledge of the art of waging war. We therefore feel ourselves 
called upon to give him a permanent position in the elevated 
rank in which we placed him. ..." 

At the same time Napoleon wrote a long letter to his step- 
son, in which he vaguely spoke of giving him a principality, 
assured him that his fate should be settled, that he should 

1 Charles, baron von Dalberg (see note, p. 148). 



THE EMPEROR'S SECOND MARRIAGE 243 

enjoy an appanage which would give him an income of one 
milhon francs, together with the Villa Bonaparte at Milan for 
his life, and the grand-duchy of Frankfort on the death of the 
prince primate ; a postscript ordered him to inform the Italian 
Senate of the forthcoming marriage of the Emperor of the 
French with the daughter of the Emperor of Austria, at the 
same time inviting all the chief Italian nobility to attend 
the ceremony in Paris. 

The invitation was accepted by the viceroy and the vice- 
reine, who, having confided their two little girls to the care of 
the baroness von Wurmbs and the comtesse de Sandizel, left 
Milan on March 12th with a small suite of attendants, in- 
cluding the duchesse de Litta as Augusta's lady-in-waiting. 

On reaching Paris, March 20th, they first went to the 
Elysee Palace ; but Augusta, in her anxiety to console her 
mother-in-law, with whom she was always on the best of 
terms, after spending a few days paying official visits, 
hurried off to La Malmaison, where she tried to divert the ex- 
Empress's mind from the sad present by telling her stories of 
her little granddaughters' pretty ways, and by assuring her 
that Josephine and Hortense were longing to make their 
grandmama's acquaintance. 

The baron Darnay is responsible for a report which M. 
Pulitzer reproduces in his charming work Le Roman du 
prince Eugene, and which says that the Emperor offered 
the crown of Sweden to the viceroy of Italy during his visit 
to Paris. The baron Darnay tells us that Duroc, who had a 
very soft place in his heart for Eugene, twice endeavoured to 
persuade him to accept this valuable gift, but Eugene refused, 
giving as his reasons that he was quite content with his 
position in Italy, that he did not wish to change his religion 
(which he would have to do if he accepted the crown), and 
that he feared that, as he had done nothing to deserve the 
esteem of the Swedish people, he would be unable to win 
their affection. Even when Duroc warned him that, in the 
event of the Emperor having two sons, he, Eugene, would 
certainly be pushed on one side, and the throne of Italy 
would be given to the youngest born, the viceroy did not 
waver. And he was supported in his resolution by his help- 
mate. M. Darnay adds that the Emperor, on learning 
Eugene's decision, remarked that perhaps he was right to 
refuse, and that he was not offended by his behaviour. 



244 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Eugene and Augusta were not allowed to shirk any of their 
social duties — and humiliations. They had to appear at all 
the Court fetes given before and after the marriage ceremony. 
Augusta must have overheard many a whispered remark as 
she passed through those crowded salons on the arm of her 
good husband, whose portrait, taken about' this time, bears a 
remarkable resemblance to that of the prince consort, Albert 
the Good. 

" Who is that lady ? "^ 

" Oh ! that is the vice-reine of Italy — you know, the wife 
of Eugene de Beauharnais, the son of the ex-Empress." 

Eugene and his wife were present at the ball given by the 
prince von Schwarzenberg in an impromptu ballroom made 
of wood erected in the garden of his hotel in the rue du Mont 
Blanc, when so many rich and titled people were burnt to 
death through a candle setting light to some drapery. Six 
hundred invitations had been sent out. Eugene had just 
opened the ball with Princess Pauline von Schwarzenberg 
when the fire broke out. Three minutes later the whole 
structure was a mass of flames. The Emperor and the Em- 
press being close to the entrance were able to escape without 
any difficulty, but Eugene was some distance from his wife, 
who was seated on a platform at the other end of the ball- 
room. His partner rushed from him and disappeared into the 
smoke and flames. He himself was in imminent danger of 
being burnt to death when he discovered a little door, which 
had been used by the footmen to bring refreshments, leading 
to some private apartments, and through this door he escaped 
and joined his wife before she realized that he had been in any 
great danger. Eugene, whose presence of mind had enabled 
him to save his own life, was able to help several other per- 
sons to escape through this same door. 

In June the vice- regal pair left Paris, when Eugene went to 
visit his mother, who was enjoying her annual cure at Aix- 
les-Bains ; he then joined his wife, and they returned to 
Monza over the Simplon Pass. 

The rest of the summer was spent by Eugene in attending 
to the affairs of his kingdom. In September he paid a visit to 
Venice, which seaport Napoleon was anxious should be pro- 
tected from the attacks of the English, whose commerce, as 
we have already seen, had been considerably damaged by 
his very successful continental system. 



CHAPTER X 

Napoleon's thoughtfulness for his late wife — An engagement with the 
English off Lissa — -Eugene's eldest son is born — He devotes himself 
to his little family — Eugene has to come up to Paris for the birth of the 
King of Rome — He goes to stay with his mother — He returns to Italy 
— A new war appears upon the horizon — The Russian campaign — The 
Emperor abandons his post — Eugene accepts the post of commander- 
in-chief. 

IN the month of October, 1810, Napoleon, thinking that 
the ex-Empress would feel her loneliness less if she went 
to stay with her son in Italy, wrote her the following kind 

letter ■ 

" FoNTAiNEBLEAU, October 1st, 1810. 

'-' I have received your letter. Hortense, whom I have just 
seen, will tell you what I think would be best for you to do. 
Go and see your son this winter ; you can then take the cure 
at Aix next year or else spend the spring at Navarre. I 
should advise you to go to Navarre immediately if I were 
not afraid that you would be dull there. I think you cannot 
do better than pass the winter in Milan or at Navarre. You 
may do as you like in other matters, as far as I am con- 
cerned," 

But Josephine had no intention of going to Milan, where 
she would be only the mother of the viceroy, and so she wrote 
to Hortense : 

"... I would gladly have undertaken the journey if it had 
only been a question of spending one or two months in Italy 
with my dear Eugene ; but I could not have made up my 
mind to leave France for six months, for, by so doing, I 
should have grieved all my friends." 

Though fallen from her high estate, Josephine still appears 
to have considered herself of great importance, and her 
presence necessary to the well-being and happiness of him 
who was now entirely wrapped up in his young wife. 

245 



246 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

In the month of October Eugene organized a most success- 
ful expedition against Lissa, an island on the coast of Dal- 
matia, which at that time was rather famous for its wine 
and for anchovy and pilchard fisheries, and which had been 
practically captured by the English, and used as a storehouse 
for the merchandise which they had seized or were anxious 
to smuggle into Italy. 

Eugene writes to his step-father from Ancona, whither he 
had gone in order to superintend the expedition : 

" Ancona, October 2yth, 1810. 

" Sire — I have the honour to inform Your Majesty that 
Captain Dubourdieu's squadron returned to this port last 
night. I enclose that officer's report concerning the brilliant 
success of the expedition which Your Majesty kindly 
authorized me to undertake. Captain Dubourdieu left 
Ancona with his squadron the night of the 19th inst., and 
reached Lissa on the morning of the 22nd. Having hoisted 
an English flag, part of the squadron entered the port that 
same day, while the other vessels cruised about to the wind- 
ward side of the island. Captain Dubourdieu, finding no 
English men-of-war in the port of Lissa and seeing no pre- 
parations for resistance on shore, landed two of the com- 
panies which he had brought with him. My aide-de-camp, 
Colonel Giffienga, was told to carry the matter through. 
When every precaution had been taken to prevent any 
vessels escaping, Your Majesty's flag was hoisted in place of 
the English flag ; our boats then having advanced towards 
the enemy's vessels, we seized every ship in the port (which 
is the haunt of all the pirates in the Adriatic), and burnt an 
immense quantity of merchandise. Captain Dubourdieu, un- 
willing to undertake more than he could manage, only seized 
10 vessels, including 3 splendid corsairs. The results of this 
expedition were 42 ships burnt, of which 33 were laden ; 
9 corsairs destroyed, having on board 64 cannons and a 
quantity of arms of all kinds ; 14 vessels restored to divers of 
Your Majesty's subjects ; 10 vessels, including 3 corsairs and 
7 boats laden with merchandise, taken to Your Majesty's 
ports ; 100 prisoners and 25 French and Italian captives set 
at liberty. They were unable to catch 20 officers and 200 
men who took refuge in the steep mountains on the island. 
The enemy lost 68 vessels and 100 cannons in all ; I do not 



BIRTH OF A SON 247 

exaggerate when I estimate the loss to EngHsh commerce at 
20 millions. 

" Your Majesty's squadron returned without having had 
any losses or any cases of illness. . . ." 

Napoleon, however, found fault with Captain Dubourdieu 
for not having captured the 20 English officers and 200 men, 
for, he wrote : " 200 sailors would have been a serious loss to 
the English." (!) 

On November 4th Eugene received an intimation from the 
Emperor, who was then at Fontainebleau, to the effect that 
he was to announce to the Italian Senate that the Empress 
was in an interesting condition ; a postscript added in the 
Emperor's own handwriting told him to command the 
bishops of Italy to offer up prayers for her safe delivery. 

But Mrs. Stork was about to pay another visit to the vice- 
regal family in Milan. On December gth, 1810, Augusta gave 
birth to her eldest son, the long-expected, much-desired 
child, who, had he been born three or four years ago, might 
have saved his parents and his grandmother many tears, 
and prevented much bloodshed. 

This child received the names of Auguste-Charles-Eugene- 
Napoleon, and its birth was heralded by popular rejoicings. 
The Emperor, however, expressed but little interest in his 
" son's " child. Things had strangely altered during the last 
few months. Napoleon still called Eugene his " son " when 
writing to him, but his letters were no longer those of a father 
to his child ; they merely contained directions concerning the 
government of the kingdom of Italy—or blame. 

We find one exception, however, in the Emperor's letter 
about the baptism of Eugene's son : 

" Paris, January gth, 1811. 

" My Son— I thought I had replied to your letter concern- 
ing your son. I think it would be a good thing to call him 
Auguste-Napoleon. I and the Empress will be his godparents; 
let me know if you wish his christening to be postponed until 
I come to Italy, or if you wish him to be baptized at once. In 
the latter case I would send someone to represent me." 

The next few months were spent very happily by Eugene 
amid his little family. And indeed Augusta was such a de- 



248 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

voted wife that he would have been a very discontented 
person if he had wished to change places with any of the 
sycophants with whom Napoleon's Court was now more 
than ever infested. 

And then Augusta was such a tender mother — and wise, 
too, as the following short anecdote proves. One of her little 
girls had been heard ordering one of her mother's ladies-in- 
waiting to do something or the other without having first 
said " please." The vice-reine said nothing to the culprit, but 
told her lady-in-waiting not to obey any of the little girl's 
commands, nor even to reply to her, in future. The child, 
angry at no notice being taken of her cries, soon came to her 
mama complaining that Madame So-and-so would not 
attend to her. Whereupon her mother said : 

" Mademoiselle, when little girls like you can do nothing 
for themselves, and have to get somebody to help them, they 
have to learn to be polite and thoughtful of others." 

She then told the little girl to go and beg the lady-in- 
waiting to forgive her for her rudeness, and in future, if she 
asked in a proper manner, all her wishes would be attended 
to. The child did not require a second lesson. 

But the viceroy's time was not all occupied with these 
domestic pleasures ; he built more schools, founded a college 
for girls in Milan, opened a Scientific Institution with 
branches in Venice, Bologna, Padua and Verona. He 
promised a reward of one million francs for the inventor of 
the best spinning-machine. 

The Pope was still giving trouble and urging the clergy to 
revolt against the French government at every opportunity. 
And England was keeping a very sharp eye upon matters in 
Italy. Unfortunately history does not record the name of 
the individual mentioned in the following letter from the 
Emperor to the viceroy, but he was probably an English 
subject living in Italy, and it is more than probable that he 
had cause to regret his loquacity : 

" Paris, January nth, 1811. 

" My Son — I send you a letter which appeared in several 
English newspapers ; it is not the first time that letters from 
this individual have been translated for me. Who is he ? 
Has he got any property ? What is he about ? " 



EUGENE IN PARIS 249 

And added in the Emperor's own handwriting we find 
these words : 

" Have his property seized." 

The vice-reine suffered much soon after the birth of her son 
with rheumatism in her right hand, for which complaint she 
was ordered to take the waters at Padua ; she was still doing 
her cure when Eugene was summoned to Paris to be present 
at the birth of the little King of Rome. 

While in Paris the viceroy stayed at his own hotel, the 
decorations of which, as my readers may remember, had once 
been made the subject of a terrible scolding for him. He 
often went to see his mother at Navarre and La Malmaison, 
where he was a great favourite with the members of Jose- 
phine's miniature Court, and he was just as popular with the 
men as with the ladies, which shows that he was not a 
" ladies' man." His appearance at his mother's house was 
the signal for all sorts of amusements, such as fishing in the 
ornamental waters, when the cleverest fisherman or fisher- 
woman received a prize from the viceroy ; or playing 
billiards for more prizes (Eugene always took care to lose) ; 
or singing, at which he was an adept, for, although he did not 
know a note of music, he only needed to hear a song once or 
twice to be able to sing it straight off without a mistake, and 
he never forgot what he had once learnt. 

An enemy to etiquette, he liked to appear unannounced, so 
that his mother's ladies might not be obliged to rise whenever 
he entered her salon. When his mother, who loved ceremony 
above all things, used to protest at his sudden appearance 
through an open window in pouring rain, he would say : 

"It is quite enough to be obliged to put up with all the 
annoyances attendant upon government when I am in 
Milan ; at least let me amuse myself when I am here. 'Tis a 
difficult task to he a king when one has not been brought up to it," 
which remark must have been very unwelcome to the ex- 
Empress. 

His face would light up in an extraordinary manner while 
relating his military adventures. He always wore attached to 
his watch-chain a miniature of his wife and children painted 
by Isabey. 

On March 21st Eugene appeared at Navarre, whither his 



250 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

step-father had sent him immediately after the birth of the 
King of Rome, saying : 

" You are going to see your mother, Eugene. Tell her that 
I am sure that she, more than anybody else, will rejoice to 
hear of my happiness. I would have already written to her 
had I not been so entirely absorbed in the pleasure of gazing 
at my son. I can only tear myself away from him when I am 
absolutely obliged to do so. But I will discharge the sweetest 
of all duties to-night — I will write to Josephine." 

Eugene was soon followed by one of the Emperor's pages, 
M. de Saint-Hilaire by name, who appeared at eleven o'clock 
that same night, just as Josephine and her son and suite were 
taking tea, bearing the promised letter, which ended thus : 

" This child, together with our Eugene, will ensure happi- 
ness to me and to France." 

Josephine, who liked to do things in style on important 
occasions, wanted to give the Emperor's messenger a present 
worth 12,000 francs,^ out of all proportion to her income. 
Eugene, however, persuaded her to Hmit her generosity to a 
more suitable gift. 

It is interesting to note how Napoleon, in his unspeakable 
joy at becoming a father, turned to his divorced wife. It 
would almost seem as if he knew that she, as the mother of 
Eugene, could best realize what he was now experiencing. 
But did he not turn to her on other and more tragic occasions, 
when he abdicated at Fontainebleau ? And did he not evoke 
her memory when he went to bid farewell to La Malmaison 
before leaving France for ever ? 

And yet he, at that time, loved his young, doll-like, abso- 
lutely insignificant wife with all his heart. Did he not cry to 
the surgeon Dubois when she was in danger of losing her life, 
and it was thought that the long-desired child must be 
sacrificed : 

" Treat my wife as if she were the wife of a shopkeeper 
in the rue Saint -Denis ! . . . Save my wife ! I don't care 
what else happens ! " ? 

Poor Napoleon ! And Marie-Louise later forgot all his love 
for her, and talked of him as if he had never been anything 
but a tyrant. 

Thinking to prevent his mother lamenting with bitter re- 

1 i2,ooo francs : £^&o. 



A FALSE REPORT 251 

gret the fact that she had never been able to give the Em- 
peror the inexpressible bliss of clasping a little child, his own 
flesh and blood, to his heart, Eugene began to describe to 
Josephine and her suite a very amusing scene witnessed by 
him at the Tuileries on the night preceding the birth of the 
eaglet. It seems that the Queen of Naples and her sister 
Pauline (who by this time had got rid of her husband), to- 
gether with several other members of the Imperial family and 
the chief witnesses at the birth, were all assembled in an ad- 
joining room waiting for the happy event. Pauline and 
Caroline affected to be much concerned on hearing the 
Empress's groans, swore that they could not bear such 
suspense, that their sister-in-law's cries got upon their nerves, 
that they were sure they were about to faint, insisted upon 
having all the windows thrown open, and altogether behaved 
in a foolish manner. The general impression, however, was 
that they were suffering more from temper than from nerves. 
Was not the question of an heir about to be settled for ever ? 

Mais I'homme propose et Dieu dispose. 

During this visit, Josephine, who had not forgotten that 
her son's wife had also borne a son lately, gave Eugene, to 
take to Augusta, a magnificent diamond ornament ; she also 
wanted Eugene to accept a valuable gilt toilet-set which had 
been presented to her in the happy past by the city of Paris ; 
however, the viceroy refused to take it. 

Josephine made an excellent grandmama ; she turned her 
salon into a veritable toyshop in her desire to give pleasure to 
her grandchildren in Milan. She would order a large selection 
of playthings to be sent to Navarre, or La Malmaison, from 
Paris ; each toy was carefully examined by Josephine before 
it was placed in the packing-cases. There were tin soldiers, 
guns, drums and swords for little Auguste, while Josephine 
and Hortense received dolls, miniature dinner-sets and 
kitchen utensils, dolls' houses and other delightful toys, all 
fashioned with that consummate taste and skill for which 
Paris has always been celebrated. 

It was during one of Eugene's visits to his mother's retreat 
that some busybody spread a report that he had conceived a 
hopeless attachment for one of Josephine's ladies-in-waiting, 
a young girl. Georgette Ducrest by name, who afterwards 
wrote two interesting volumes of memoirs. This report, 



252 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

which was utterly devoid of any truth, led to the dismissal of 
the unfortunate girl, whose only fault lay in the fact that she 
was not so stupid as her fellow ladies-in-waiting, and that, as 
she was very musical, she had been able to assist the viceroy 
to learn some of the little operettas with which Josephine's 
entourage tried to enliven their monotonous existence. 

On the occasion of the baptism of the King of Rome, the 
Emperor wrote the following letter of instructions to Eugene : 

" Palace of the Tuileries [undated). 

" My Son — I have decided that on June 2nd,Whit-Sunday, 
the King of Rome shall be baptized in the cathedral of Notre 
Dame, Paris. Te Deums must be sung in all the churches in 
my Empire on that day, and thanksgiving prayers for his 
birth must be offered to God. I desire similar prayers to be 
offered in my kingdom of Italy, and that you inform the 
bishops by letter that such is my wish. You will also charge 
the Minister of the Interior to send instructions to the mayors 
of all the towns in my kingdom concerning the fetes and re- 
joicings which are to take place everywhere on that day, and 
he will settle what sums they can spend on these fetes. You 
will also send me a list of all poor, orphaned girls in each 
town, so that they may be dowered and given in marriage to 
retired soldiers. I also wish you to invite to Paris for the 
baptism of the King of Rome the mayors of the good towns 
in the kingdom, each of whom must be accompanied by two 
deputies chosen from among the principal members of each 
municipality. My Minister of the Interior will advance to 
each the necessary travelling expenses, so that, during their 
stay in Paris, they may appear suitably clothed ; their com- 
panions must wear the uniform of the towns they represent. 
Herewith, my son, I pray God to have you in His holy 
keeping." 

Eugene was detained in Paris several months attending to 
different matters concerning the army and the government 
of Italy. He accompanied Napoleon when the latter went to 
visit Cherbourg. 

On his return to Milan he found Augusta quite recovered 
from her attack of rheumatism. The rest of the year 1811, 
which was perhaps one of the least eventful in Eugene's 




(Plioto: Stuffier Munich) 
EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS AND NAPOLEON I IN l8l2 



To face page 252 



A NEW WAR 253 

career as viceroy of Italy, was spent in preparing for the new 
war which was looming in the distance ; for Napoleon's folie 
des grandeurs had only been aggravated by the birth of the 
eaglet, for whom he wanted to conquer more possessions ; 
and indeed, if Fate had permitted that eaglet to roam as far 
over the surface of the globe as his sire had done, he would 
have needed plenty of room in which to preen his wings. 

On this occasion, as on the eve of Napoleon's second great 
European campaign, Eugene received orders to make his 
preparations as quietly as possible. 

Early in the year 18 12 Napoleon sent Eugene secret orders 
to cross the Alps with his 4th corps, composed of Italian 
troops, and the 6th corps, composed of Bavarian soldiers — 
70,000 or 80,000 troops in all. Shortly before starting, he 
wrote to his friend Lavalette a letter in which he mentions a 
report which was causing him a good deal of annoyance 
about that time : 

" Milan, February 22nd, 1812. 

"... At last my fate is settled ; I have been given a superb 
post ; and although my appointment has not appeared in the 
gazettes, I feel that I can inform you of it. I am to command 
the 4th corps ; so you see I shall have from 70,000 to 80,000 
men and about 200 cannons. 

" All the generals, officers and soldiers who have been in 
Paris lately assure me that it is said that I shall have com- 
mand of the cavalry. At all events, I shall have a good post ; 
I shall always prefer a post where I can prove my entire 
devotion to His Majesty's cause. 

" I should find one thing, however, no laughing matter, 
and that is if I saw my wretched self fixed permanently in 
Poland. A report has lately been spread that this is about to 
happen, and I can assure you that it has really pained me. I 
could not bear to be so far away from the Emperor ; I only 
have one ambition, and that is to live and die as near to him 
as possible. You will say that I am not hard to please, and 
you are right. But this ambition is just as good as any other; 
one thing is certain, and that is that I am not ambitious to 
obtain a throne. ..." 

So we see that there had been some talk of giving Eugene 
Poland, whose inhabitants would gladly have welcomed him 



254 eug£:ne de beauharnais 

as their sovereign. But, as on a previous occasion when it was 
said he had been offered the crown of Sweden, Eugene, un- 
wilhng to exchange his viceroyship for any throne whatso- 
ever, refused. 

On April i8th Eugene bade farewell to his wife, who was 
again in an interesting condition, and crossed the Alps with 
his troops over the Brenner Pass, a particularly hazardous 
journey at this time of the year owing to the great masses of 
melting snow and ice which fell and frequently blocked the 
pass. 

On reaching Paris, Eugene hurried off to Saint-Cloud, 
where he had a brief interview with the Emperor, returning 
to the capital that same day by La Malmaison, where he 
found his mother making preparations for her usual cure, 
after which she proposed to pay a visit to her daughter-in- 
law in Milan, who had made a very favourable impression 
upon the Parisians, as Eugene found when he began to pay 
some of his official visits. 

Eugene was much surprised to find that there was little or 
no talk of a war in the capital ; he was assured by one or two 
well-informed persons that everything could still be arranged. 

As he himself told Augusta, " Paris was the worst place for 
gossip imaginable " ; however, the rumour that the King of 
Westphalia, Jerome Bonaparte, was about to be offered the 
throne of Poland caused Eugene keen satisfaction ; he had 
no wish to leave Italy. 

The viceroy was invited to all the fetes which were given in 
Paris by the Emperor before starting for that terrible cam- 
paign in Russia which every admirer of Napoleon must wish 
had never been undertaken. Marie-Louise took considerable 
notice of Eugene, displayed interest in and admiration for his 
pretty children, and even invited him to take a hand at her 
whist -table, whereupon he wrote to his wife these words : 
" You would do well to write to her." 

On May ist Eugene received orders from the Emperor to 
place himself at the head of his troops, and to march towards 
Mayence. 

It is as well, before putting all the blame for this action 
upon Napoleon, to realize that already in the autumn of 
1811 five Russian divisions had assumed a position opposite 
Warsaw with a view to forcing him to go to war. The peace- 



LEAVES FOR THE WAR 255 

able proposals made by him through the comte de Narbonne^ 
had been rejected ; for the Emperor Alexander, exasperated 
by the continental system, was determined to resist Na- 
poleon, who now concluded an offensive and defensive 
alliance with Austria, Prussia and the Confederation of the 
Rhine, and prepared to march towards the Russian frontier. 
However, as ofhcers still came and went between Saint 
Petersburg and Paris, it was hoped up to the very last 
minute that a war could be avoided. And then it was said 
that the two Emperors were to have an interview, from which 
great things were expected. But Napoleon was rushing along 
towards his doom, and nothing could save him from himself. 

Eugene started for the war with a light heart ; he was not 
only pleased that he had been given such an important post, 
but he was also glad to have some Bavarian troops under his 
command. 

Mayence was reached May 5th, and Pilnitz three days later, 
where he paid a visit to the Saxon royal family, on which 
occasion everybody, as he tells his wife, was most kind to 
him and asked affectionately after his family. On May nth 
he arrived at Glogau, where he found more of his troops 
waiting for him. 

At Thorn, Napoleon and Eugene met for a few hours ; the 
former then pursued his way via Heilsberg to Eylau, while 
the latter turned towards the north-east, with the King of 
Westphalia's troops. 

A letter written from Plock, May 15th, tells Augusta that he 
has already marched nearly six hundred leagues, and that, 
although hardly a month has elapsed since he bade her fare- 
well, it seems to him as if it were a century ago. 

In two letters written from Soldau and Rastenburg, and 
dated June 6th and June 14th, he speaks of his splendid 
army, says that he hopes that the coming winter will see the 
end of the war, tells Augusta that he longs to clasp her in his 
arms again, and ends with this sentence : 

" We find it very difficult to get food ; I often cannot sleep 
for wondering how I shall manage to find food for my 80,000 

1 Narbonne-Lara, comte Louis de (1755-1813) : distinguished soldier 
and diplomatist ; was obliged to fly to England on account of his political 
opinions after Louis XVI 's execution. He re-entered the French army 
in 1809, accompanied Napoleon to Russia as his aide-de-camp, was sent 
to Vienna as French ambassador, and took part in the Congress of Prague. 



256 eug£ne de beauharnais 

troops, for sometimes we cannot even get ten sacks of corn ; 
however, the farther we march the nearer we get to the 
harvest, and that is some comfort. ..." 

In his next letter he alludes to the Polish question which 
seems to have caused him and his wife considerable annoy- 

^^^^ '• " Rastenburg, June lyth, 1812. 

" My beloved Augusta — You need have no fears concern- 
ing the Polish question ; the matter will probably be arranged 
without any difficulty. The Poles have done their best to 
persuade me to become their Governor, but I would hear 
nothing of it, and I let them see that they only pained me by 
insisting. It really looks as if they were in earnest about the 
matter ; I send you, as a proof of this fact, two letters which 
I have just received from some of their number ; you need not 
show them to anybody else. They talk quite openly in War- 
saw about having me as their king. At present I am almost 
sure that such will not be the case. We shall certainly spend 
the coming winter together, my good Augusta. I look for- 
ward to the future, although I am well aware that it is im- 
possible to be happier than we have already been. I realize 
my great happiness, and I love you all the more in conse- 
quence." 

Napoleon was now about to cross the Niemen with his huge 
army of 475,000 troops and 1200 guns. The three divisions of 
the Russian army which occupied the districts around Kief, 
Smolensk and Riga, gradually retreated as the grand army 
advanced farther into the country ; the Russians' plan of 
campaign was to avoid a decisive battle, whereas Napoleon 
usually preferred to force his enemies to give battle, crush 
them by superior numbers, and thus oblige them to sur- 
render. 

On June 24th Napoleon crossed the Niemen and the 
Russian campaign commenced in earnest. Before beginning 
to attack, the Emperor made a long speech to his troops, 
which concluded with these words : 

" Russia is being hurled along the road of doom. She must 
accomplish her destiny. Are we no longer to be regarded as 
the soldiers of Austerlitz ? Let us carry the war into her own 
country ; a second war in Poland will be as productive of 
glory to the French army as the first was." 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 257 

But Fate, of whom Napoleon was so fond of talking, was 
about to deal him some hard blows. Disaster fell upon him 
almost as soon as he had crossed the Niemen. As we have 
already seen, Eugene had experienced considerable difficulty 
in victualling his troops ; that difficulty increased a thousand- 
fold as the French army penetrated deeper into Russia, until 
it eventually became one of the causes of Napoleon's ruin. 
The changeable climate, the excessive heat, followed by days 
of incessant rain and sudden cold, told upon the French 
troops ; and before they had been many days in Russia 
hundreds of them were ill with fevers and chills. 

On June 27th the two armies came in sight of one another. 
Several small engagements took place without any particular 
result being produced upon the Russian army, except that it 
was being steadily driven towards Moscow. Napoleon en- 
tered Vilna on the morrow, and here he stayed for some days. 
Eugene tells his wife in the following letter something about 
the climate with which his troops had to put up : 

" Vilna, July 6th, 1812, 8 a.m. 
" I found your letters dated June i6th, 17th, i8th and 
19th waiting for me at Vilna ; you can imagine how delighted 
I was to get them. . . , Would you believe it, that on July ist 
it became so cold after a thunderstorm that we had to light 
fires ? There is hardly any night here, for one can still see to 
read a letter at 10 o'clock at night, and one can see quite well 
at 2 o'clock in the morning. Yesterday the Emperor asked 
me a great many questions about you. I begged him to allow 
me to call our next little darling after him, if it should be a 
boy. He replied, ' Yes, gladly.' " 

" SoLECZNiKY, July gth, 1812. 
" I have not written to you since we left Vilna, my dear 
Augusta, for I have not had a minute's rest for the last three 
days. We are pursuing Bagration's^ army, and we find it a 
difficult matter to keep up with him. I am well. My carriages 
have all been delayed, and I have only got a portmanteau 
with me. I expect the army will be allowed to take a little 

^ Bagration, Prince Peter (1765-1812) : Russian soldier and councillor, 
who especially distinguished himself in the campaigns in Italy under 
Suvarrof, and was mortally wounded during the Battle of Moscow. To 
him was entrusted the 2nd Russian Western army, comprised of 48,000 
troops. 



258 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

rest in a few days' time, for we have been on the march every 
day since we left Plock. I hope that this letter will reach you 
after your confinement. It will tell you how sorry I am to be 
so far away. I hope that you will get well very quickly. Give 
ten big kisses to the tiny creature which will have come into 
the world by the time this letter reaches you. . . ." 

From Smorghoni he writes four days later telling his wife 
that, although they have now been nearly three weeks in 
Russia, he has only seen one Cossack all that time, and that 
not more than ten bullets have been fired. He adds : " I 
should not be at all surprised if this campaign were not even 
more extraordinary than the others, and did not finish with- 
out a battle." 

But that battle was not very far distant. 

Smolensk, the bulwark of Moscow, was about to fall into 
the hands of the French, who, harassed by sickness and 
hunger, had been obliged to halt for ten days. On August 
17th 12,000 Russian cavalry troops attacked General 
Sebastiani,^ who was driven back with considerable loss, 
until Napoleon ordered the right wing of his army, under 
Poniatowski's^ command, to hasten by way of Ortza and 
cut the Russians off from Moscow. The day was one of the 
most bloody in the history of warfare ; it was not until mid- 
night of August 17th that the French army, after losing 
many thousand troops, obtained possession of Smolensk, 
which the Russians had taken care to burn before abandoning 
it. On the very day of this battle Napoleon summoned 
Eugene to his tent and informed him that he had just learnt 
from a messenger that the telegraph at Milan had sent the 

^ Sebastiani, Horace (1775-1851) : fought side by side with his com- 
patriot, General Bonaparte, in Italy and Egypt. In 1806 he was sent as 
French ambassador to Constantinople, which city he helped the Turks 
to defend against the EngUsh. He fought bravely in Spain, where he 
was unable to remain, however, owing to Joseph Bonaparte's jealous dis- 
position. He was one of the first French soldiers to enter Moscow. After 
Waterloo he was chosen to negotiate with the confederate sovereigns. 
Although Louis XVIII did not value his services, Louis-Philippe deter- 
mined to make use of his diplomatic talents, and so he was sent as am- 
bassador to Naples and afterwards to London. He retired from public 
life in 1840. 

^ Poniatowski, Joseph (1763-18 13), nephew of the last King of Poland : 
first served in the Austrian army, then defended his country against the 
Russians. He placed himself at the head of the Pohsh troops in 1812, 
and was created marshal of France by Napoleon after the Battle of Leipsic 
and ordered to cover the retreat of the French army, which he did at the 
cost of his own life. 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 259 

news to Paris that the vice-reine had borne him another 
daughter on July 3rd. This child was baptized Amelie. 

Josephine had joined her daughter-in-law soon after 
Eugene's departure ; the reception accorded to her by the 
Milanese had surprised and touched her. Perhaps Josephine 
valued and appreciated her royal daughter-in-law all the 
more because she herself no longer occupied a throne. 
Such a daughter-in-law as Augusta was certainly worth 
having. Could the viceroy's mother have read the future 
she would have valued her even more. During Eugene's 
absence in Russia Augusta inhabited the Villa Bonaparte, 
where she gave her mother-in-law Eugene's suite of apart- 
ments, and altogether treated her as if she were her own 
mother. 

Two days later the French army entered the ruined, 
corpse-strewn town. Eugene writes from the camp outside 
Smolensk : » ^wgws^ igth, 1812. 

" My good Augusta — I have not been able to write to you 
for three days, because we have been in sight of the enemy 
all the time. The Emperor having decided to attack the town 
of Smolensk, we did so, and captured it with great loss to the 
enemy. My corps had nothing to do but to look on. Yesterday 
we caught sight of the Russian army drawn up in battle 
array. We received orders to cross over the river this morn- 
ing, which we are now doing. The enemy disappeared during 
the night, leaving only the rear-guard behind them. As I 
write to you I can hear the cannons thundering, but the 
enemy are being repulsed. My troops have not yet finished 
crossing the river. We have been encamped outside this 
town for the last three days. The Emperor has sent nearly all 
the commanders of the different corps to the outposts. It 
really looked at daybreak as if the enemy might have been 
very successful ; however, they made off during the night, so 
it does not seem likely that we shall have a decisive battle, 
although we have done our best to provoke one. I hate this 
state of uncertainty more than an3rthing else. . . . The days 
are very hot and the nights very cold. They say that we shall 
have winter before another month has elapsed. Adieu. I re- 
main for life your faithful husband and best friend." 

On September ist Napoleon learnt that the Russian 



26o EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

general, Barclay de Tolly, ^ distrustful of his own powers, had 
resigned the command of the Russian troops to Kutusoff,^ 
the conqueror of the Turks, and reputed to be the cleverest 
soldier in the Russian army. This general had sworn to save 
Moscow. He determined to made a stand ; having reinforced 
his army by militia and reserve forces, he took up his position 
seventy miles from Moscow, and awaited Napoleon. The 
latter soon perceived that he no longer had to deal with a re- 
treating army ; he made his preparations for the great battle 
which he saw was about to be fought. His written instruc- 
tions to Eugene, Marmont and his numerous generals are 
veritable marvels ; every emergency is provided for ; nothing 
is left to chance, the chances of war often so unexpected and 
so disastrous in their effects. Special attention is given to the 
ambulance corps ; this wonderful soldier-emperor even calcu- 
lates how many wounds a surgeon can dress in an hour ! 
Medicines, drugs, dressings, stores, ammunition, carriages, 
baggage, waggons- — ^nothing is forgotten. Each general is 
told not only what he has to do, but about what hour he will 
be called upon to execute his various movements. 

The first step was taken on September 5th, when Murat 
and Compans^ captured the redoubt of Schwardino. 

On September 7th the great Battle of the Moskowa, during 
which 25,000 Russian and 15,000 French troops died for 
their respective Emperors, and 90,000 men were placed hors 
de combat, was fought. Eugene commanded the left wing of 
the French army, and contributed no less than Ney,^ Murat 

1 Barclay de Tolly, Michael (1761-1818) : a Russian general who fought 
bravely in the German and Polish campaigns of 1806 and 1807 and was 
made field-marshal. He succeeded Kutusoff as commander-in-chief, 
headed the Russian troops at the Battle of Leipsic, and entered Paris as 
victor in 1815. He received the title of prince as a reward for his services 
in the Russian army. 

* Kutusoff, Michael (1745-18 13) : surnamed Smolenskoi to commemorate 
his victories, served in Poland and against the Turks. In 1805 he was 
given chief command of the first Russian corps against the French, and 
he headed the allied army at Austerlitz, where he was wounded. He was 
sixty-eight years of age when, in 181 2, the chief command of the Russian 
army destined to oppose Napoleon was given to him. 

^ Compans, Jean Dominique (i 769-1 845) : devoted his brilliant talents 
as a soldier to the service of the Emperor, and thereby earned the latter's 
esteem and affection. He was made pair de France during the Restaura- 
tion. 

* Ney, Michel (1769-18 15) : due d'Elchingen, prince de la Moskowa, 
and marshal. He covered himself with glory during the Russian campaign 
of 1812. Although made pair de France by Louis XVIII, he hastened to 
the Emperor's side during the Cent- J ours, for which he was afterwards 
arrested, condemned to death and shot. 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 261 

and Davout to the success of the Imperial eagles. The very 
forces of Nature seemed at war that day ; the wind blew and 
the rain fell upon the heaps of dead and dying, thereby in- 
creasing the sufferings of the latter to a fearful degree. The 
enemy decamped as soon as night began to fall, leaving their 
wounded to the tender mercies of the French, who had more 
than they could manage to attend to their own wounded. On 
the morrow, Eugene, in whom the Emperor placed entire con- 
fidence, received orders to cross the Moskowa. It was said 
that the Russian army had determined not to allow the 
French troops to enter the City of Chapels. But the fact is 
that such disorder and depression reigned in the army that 
any serious resistance was out of the question. 

The town of Moscow was in a truly terrible state. The 
news of the defeat of Kutusoff the Unconquerable, fell like a 
bomb upon the inhabitants. A panic seized the town. An 
exodus, headed by the nobility, the rich merchants and 
tradespeople, took place ; but before leaving Moscow the 
fugitives determined to imitate the example of the inhabit- 
ants of Smolensk, so that Napoleon should not find the winter 
quarters upon which he had been counting. Count Rostopt- 
chin, by setting fire to his palace with his own hand, gave the 
signal for a general conflagration. To his wife Eugene 
gives his impressions of the scene after the fire had done 
its work : 

" Moscow, September 18th, 1812. 

" I could not send Allari^ yesterday, as I hoped to do, be- 
cause I was with the Emperor the whole day, my dearest 
Augusta. I shall send him to-morrow at daybreak ; he will 
certainly be 28 or 30 days en route. This city is almost 
entirely in ashes ; it was one of the most beautiful towns 
in Europe. There were numerous magnificent palaces. 
The Russians have been guilty of the utmost barbarity 
in thus ruining 300,000 inhabitants and 600 of the greatest 
seigneurs in Russia, in order to prevent us obtaining posses- 
sion of their flour, wine, furs and cattle. We were able to 
arrest about 30 of these miserable wretches just as they 
were in the very act of setting fire to some buildings. Many 
were massacred upon the spot by our infuriated soldiers ; 
enough remain, however, to be tried and judged, and among 

1 One of Eugene' aides-de-camps. 



26^2 eug£ne de beauharnais 

their number is an officer wearing a Russian order. All the 
wretches confessed that they had been ordered and paid to 
act thus by the Governor of Moscow. You cannot imagine 
what a horrible sight the fire was ! From 8 to 10,000 in- 
habitants remained in the town ; they are now naked, starv- 
ing, without a roof over their heads, at the beginning of a 
season which is particularly hard in these parts ; it is awful ! " 

" From the Camp outside Moscow, September 21st, 1812. 

" We had two very severe thunderstorms, both yesterday 
and the day before, my dear Augusta ; it has only just 
stopped raining, and we much hope that the rainy season will 
soon be over. I expect we shall very soon be off now ; there is 
some talk of sending troops towards St. Petersburg, and my 
corps will probably be chosen. The question of winter 
quarters will be settled later ; but it is pretty certain that we 
shall not fight again this year. It is even thought that the 
Russians may consent to make peace when they find that we 
are quite determined to stay in their country. 

" I expect you are following our movements on the map ; I 
hope you have been able to procure a good one of Russia. I 
spent last evening with the Emperor ; we played at vingt-et-un 
in order to pass the time. I fancy we shall find the evenings 
very long, for there are no amusements here, not even a 
billiard table. Adieu, my dearest Augusta ; amusements or 
no amusements, I long with all my heart to be with you and 
our dear children." 

Notwithstanding the havoc caused by the fire, Eugene was 
able to buy a fur pelisse for Augusta ; he tells her that he is 
sorry it is not handsomer, but the town is in such disorder 
that he can find nothing better ; he adds that he is trying to 
find some toys for the little choux, but it is a difficult matter, 
" for there are literally nothing but bears here." 

His letters were probably frequently intercepted, for in one 
he says he is afraid that they serve to amuse Messieurs les 
Cosaques, instead of calming his wife's fears concerning his 
safety. 

The cold became more intense. Eugene's troops, accus- 
tomed to a southern winter, must have felt it much more 
than the French soldiers. 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 263 

In the following letter we learn that Josephine had left 
Milan and returned to La Malmaison : 

" Moscow, September 28th, 1812. 
" The courier has started with the furs and a small store of 
tea ; he will arrive in time, I hope, for your first soiree when 
tea will take the place of ices. Here we shall have more ice 
than tea, and everybody is getting out their fur coats in con- 
sequence ; as for me, I shall wrap myself up in fur from top to 
toe. It began to snow a little this morning. The weather is 
now cold and dry, which is far better than rain. I received 
your letters of September 4th, 5th and 6th, and I am very 
glad to hear that you are well. I can quite understand your 
sorrow at my mother's departure ; I am sure that you found 
her what she really is, kind-hearted. You will feel very sad 
and very lonely. I suppose you are still at Monza. Has it 
been improved ? Do the hares still nibble at the young trees ? 
Are there many pheasants ? Do you see that all goes 
smoothly at the villa ? I should much like to hear a few 
details. ..." 

In the beginning of October matters looked more favour- 
able ; the weather, though bitterly cold, was drier, and the 
condition of the wounded improved in consequence. And 
then Napoleon's efforts to obtain provisions had been more 
successful. But the necessaries of daily existence were want- 
ing, and hand-mills for grinding corn had to be procured 
from France. So favourable in fact did affairs look at one 
time, that the Emperor even talked of having doctors from 
Paris, and asked Eugene to get a troop of singers from Italy, 
whose music he loved above all other. But as the days went 
by Napoleon saw that a long stay in Moscow was impossible. 
He then endeavoured to negotiate with the Emperor of 
Russia ; a cessation of hostilities was ordered. But Russia, 
backed by England, fully aware that Napoleon was now in a 
very awkward position, his army suffering from, illness, cold 
and hunger, refused to come to terms. Alexander said : 
" Now the sword is drawn, I will not again sheath it as long 
as one enemy remains in my dominions." And he kept his 
word. 

The coming winter promised to be very severe. Napoleon 
now made a great effort to gather the debris of his army to- 



264 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

gether, so as to hide the ravages which death and sickness 
had made in its ranks. Perhaps Eugene was not surprised 
when he heard from the Emperor's hps that he was about to 
commence a retrograde march, as he considered Smolensk a 
more suitable place in which to pass the winter. This march, 
or rather retreat, began October 19th, and what a retreat it 
was ! What were Eugene's feelings on leaving Moscow ? Did 
he realize that the eagles were flying back to France ? 

And now Napoleon's troubles began. 

On leaving the shelter of Moscow the French army was 
almost immediately attacked by Kutusoff ; Murat's quick 
action alone prevented a disaster. Though constantly 
harassed by hordes of furious peasants or swift-moving 
Cossacks, the French troops, worn out by privations of all 
sorts, made a determined stand outside the village of Malo- 
Jaroslawetz, which was situated on a slight eminence ; six 
times was that little group of burning cottages lost and re- 
captured, but Eugene, who had to face eight of the enemy's 
divisions, at the last remained victorious. Napoleon was 
nearly taken prisoner by the Cossacks during this battle, 
which lasted from dawn until nightfall. Eugene's army 
fought against great odds with 20,000 French troops against 
80,000 Russians ; he himself escaped unhurt, but his horse 
was wounded under him. During one of the French army's 
fierce rushes over dead and dying to recapture the unfortu- 
nate village, General Delzons, the eldest of thirteen brothers, 
who had distinguished himself throughout the campaign by 
his bravery and endurance, fell mortally wounded by a 
Russian bullet. One of his numerous brothers, who was 
fighting by his side, crazy with grief, tried to recover the 
brave general's corpse from the enemy's hands, but he fell 
dead in the attempt. The sight of these two brave fellows 
lying side by side on the battle-field was too much for Eugene ; 
spurring his tired horse, and yelling to his men to follow him 
— to death, if need be — he galloped up the eminence for 
the seventh and last time, and silenced the Russian guns. 

Even Kutusoff had to confess that he had been beaten. 
After the battle Eugene went to his step-father and begged 
him to grant General Delzons' widow and four orphans a 
pension, and also to remember the brave fellow's brothers. 

Many French, Italian and Russian troops perished in this 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 265 

battle, which may be called the turning-point in the Russian 
campaign, for it was the last victory of any consequence ob- 
tained by the Grand Army in Russia ; three monuments were 
afterwards erected by the French, Italian and Russian 
nations on the spot where so many victims had been sacrificed 
to one man's ambition. Fearing lest Augusta should hear an 
exaggerated account of the danger to which he had been ex- 
posed, Eugene wrote to her : 

" TuRNECHEWO, October 26th, 1812. 
" To-day I write to tell you that I am well, that the battle 
was productive of great glory to my corps, and that I also 
came in for a small share. We have been on the march since 
midday ; it seems that we are nearing our winter quarters. 
We should have to penetrate far into Siberia if we wanted to 
catch those cursed Russians ! We cannot expect to meet as 
soon as I had wished ; but we may be allowed to hope that 
when we do meet we shall not have to part again. ... I have 
not received your letters of September 28th, 29th and 30th. 
I hope our dear friends the Cossacks have not got hold of 
them. Adieu, I did not sleep much last night ; I had been 
on horseback all day long. ..." 

When the Cossacks realized that the French army were re- 
treating, they redoubled their attacks — they attacked by 
night and by day. The cold had become more intense. The 
horses, unable to get sufficient fodder, cropped the frozen 
grass as they moved along ; and when even this expedient 
failed, they gave up the struggle and lay down to die on the 
trackless steppe. Broken carriages and baggage-waggons 
marked where the huge army had passed. And the army ? 
. . . the Grand Army which had left France only a few months 
ago, with eagles proudly soaring above the silken standards, 
to an accompaniment of martial music and patriotic songs, 
was creeping homeward, a collection of half -naked, hollow- 
cheeked men and women and children, followed by a pro- 
cession of creaking, jolting carts filled with wounded or 
dysentery-stricken soldiers wrapped in filthy, blood-stained 
rags, and huddled together like sheep in order to prevent 
themselves from being frozen to death. And ever and anon a 
motionless figure would be disentangled from the heaps of 
dying, hauled to the edge of the cart, and flung over the side 



266 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

to make room for some poor creature who had been limping 
along on a stick for hours, and counting the minutes until he 
would be allowed to take his place among the sick. And be- 
hind this piteous procession of sufferers came a black cloud 
of crows and vultures, the scavengers of the Grand Army, 
which would swoop down from time to time upon a heap of 
tattered garments lying with outstretched arms and sightless 
eyes among the ruts made by the lumbering waggons. And 
when the feathered scavengers had done their feast, those 
other scavengers — ^the rats — came to see what was left for 
them. Yet even then something still remained to show the 
work of the Master Hand ; the skull, with empty orbits, still 
gazed up into the grey dome of heaven, seeking to read the 
riddle of life, until the snow came and, with a mother's hand, 
spread her white coverlet, and hid, for a time at least. Fate's 
victim. 

Several encounters took place ; at Viasma Eugene's 
corps lost heavily, and with great difficulty repulsed the 
enemy, who were trying to prevent the French troops reach- 
ing Smolensk. Eugene writes to his wife after the battle : 

" BoLDiN, November 6th, 1812, 8 a.m. 
" The Emperor was pleased with the behaviour of my 
corps during the last engagement ; the enemy have not 
worried us for forty-eight hours, and I think we shall soon be 
at the end of our campaign. We have suffered a good many 
privations during the last few days ; we are now marching 
along the route already traversed by the Grand Army. It is 
precisely in such moments of difficulty that we are enabled to 
see our fellow-creatures in their true colours, and I am glad of 
it. Adieu, my dear Augusta ; my health is good. I had a 
good wash yesterday, and I can assure you I wanted it ! I 
had not shaved for ten days, and I looked exactly like a 
Capuchin monk ! " 

It was now 18 degrees below zero, and the cold increased 
the sufferings of the starving army. But neither cold nor 
privations could quell Eugene's courage. So bravely did he 
fight at the Battle of Borowsk that he earned the special 
praise of the Emperor. When the latter visited the scene of 
this battle he marvelled that his step-son had been able to 
oust the Russian troops from the excellent position occupied 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 267 

by them. Throughout this campaign, in short, Napoleon, 
confident that his step-son would second him, entrusted 
various difficult tasks to him, all of which were executed 
with precision and punctuality. 

During the above-mentioned Battle of Borowsk Eugene 
found himself in great danger; having ventured with his 
troops too far from the main body of the army, he saw his 
men surrounded by the enemy. Had not Davout, who was 
commanding the outposts and was attacked at the same time, 
been able to extricate himself and fly to succour Eugene, it is 
probable that the whole division would have been anni- 
hilated. 

Fortunately the intense cold dried the rain-drenched 
steppes and enabled the army to trudge along those rough 
tracks which in Russia are always either inches deep in dust 
or in mud, according to the time of the year. 

In all his letters Eugene tries to hide from the anxious wife 
at home the terrible state in which the Grand Army now 
found itself. Writing from Duchowschtschina, November 
nth, 1812, he tells her that his leg is swollen owing to 
fatigue, that he has had to abandon nearly aU his baggage- 
waggons, and, what is more serious, a part of his artillery. 
He concludes with this remark : " Our misfortunes are great, 
hut we have not lost courage, and that is the main point." 

On November i6th the French troops, on reaching 
Krasnoe, were again attacked by Kutusoff, and this time 
crueUy worsted. The retreat westward was now continued 
as quickly as possible ; but the progress of an army of foot- 
sore, heart -sick men, enfeebled by privations of all sorts, 
and jaded, starving steeds, is necessarily slow. 

On November 23rd a terrible piece of news reached 
Eugene's corps : the bridges over the Beresina were in the 
enemy's possession. But the Beresina, a Styx for many 
thousand Frenchmen, had to be passed, bridges or no 
bridges, before the weary army could return to la douce 
France. November 26th saw the crossing of that river. A 
large portion of the Grand Army, unable to fight a way over 
the bridges, pursued by the indefatigable Cossacks, marched 
across the frozen river ; the ice broke under the weight of 
men, horses and guns, and many a brave son of France sank 
beneath the dark waters of the Beresina ; 20,000 Frenchmen 



268 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

perished that day. On reaching the other side many of the 
survivors were attacked by illness, and Eugene's entire staff 
was placed hors de combat for some da^^s. 

While at Molodeczino Napoleon, on December 2nd, gave 
Eugene orders to send all the wounded soldiers, the treasure 
and the baggage-waggons straight to Vilna, while he and 
the rest of the army followed slowly. 

Smorghoni was reached by Napoleon and the debris of 
the Grand Army on December 3rd. 

The Emperor had lately been receiving disquieting news 
from Paris ; the conspiracy of General Malet,^ a royalist 
agent who already, in 1808, had suffered imprisonment for an 
attempt to check Napoleon's successful career, had caused 
him a considerable amount of anxiety. General Malet, on 
learning of Napoleon's defeats in Russia, had managed, 
although shut up in a lunatic asylum, to forge, with the help 
of Generals GuidaP and Lahorie, a senatus consuUum, in 
which he declared that the Bonaparte family had forfeited 
the throne, named a commission comprising five persons to 
govern France, and appointed himself Governor of Paris. 
Having escaped from the asylum during the night of October 
23rd-24th, he went the round of the barracks in Paris, 
spreading reports to the effect that Napoleon had perished 
in the snows of Russia. So cleverly was this conspiracy 
carried out, that he and his fellow-conspirators were within 
an inch of success. However, General Hulin,^ a faithful 
supporter of Napoleon, who was then at the head of the 
troops quartered in the capital, and who did not wish to lose 
his berth, arrested Malet ; while doing so his jaw was shat- 
tered by a pistol-shot fired by his prisoner. 

Malet and fifteen other conspirators were executed on 
October 29th. 

1 Malet, Claude Francois (1754-18 12) : fought bravely under the Re- 
publican flag, was made Governor of Paris by Massena in 1805. Having 
joined the Royalists in 1812, he forfeited his Ufe in consequence of the 
failure of the above-named plot. 

2 Guidal, Maximilien- Joseph (1755-1812) : a native of Grasse; he 
entered the army, was made brigadier-general, and then, having partici- 
pated in Malet's conspiracy, was arrested and shot with the other persons 
imphcated in the affair. 

* Hulin, Pierre-Auguste (1758-1841) : the son of a dealer in old clothes, 
first came into public notice by his efforts to save Delaunay, the Governor 
of the Bastille. He seconded Bonaparte on many important occasions. 
He was exiled frora France on the return of the Bourbons, but was per- 
mitted to return some years before his death. 



NAPOLEON DESERTS HIS POST 269 

And now we come to the act for which Napoleon has been 
more blamed — and more justly blamed — than any in his 
long career. 

On reaching Smorghoni, Napoleon immediately summoned 
his marshals and commanders to his side, and, after a long 
discourse in which he informed them that his presence was 
required in Paris on account of grave political events, gave 
command of the remnant of the Grand Army into the hands 
of Murat. 

Cut to the heart by this desertion — was not the Malet con- 
spiracy already a thing of the past ? — Eugene wrote to his 
step-father begging him to allow him to resign his command. 

" Smorghoni, December ^th, 1812. 
" Sire — It is not my duty to judge Your Majesty's conduct ; 
but if, as it seems likely, Your Majesty is about to accede to 
the nation's wishes and return home, leaving the King of 
Naples at the head of affairs, I will take the liberty to beg you 
to give me yet another proof of your goodwill towards me. . . . 
Sire, I have devoted my life to Your Majesty. I therefore 
venture to hope that you will allow me to return to Italy as 
soon as convenient to you. If Your Majesty, however, 
wishes me to stay with the army, I will remain at my post as 
long as it pleases you, and I will continue to serve you with 
the same zeal and devotion as heretofore." 

But Napoleon would not hear of his step-son returning to 
Italy ; for, although the viceroy's corps of 40,000 troops had 
now dwindled to a mere handful, the moral example set by 
its courageous commander was not to be despised. It has 
been said in Napoleon's excuse that his return to France was 
caused by the necessity of finding more troops to take the 
place of the dead. But surely his presence was more neces- 
sary in Russia ? Who else possessed, in such a superlative 
degree, the talent for conquering, holding his own, and re- 
treating, alas ! as the erstwhile General Bonaparte ? 

Before night had fallen Napoleon had jumped into a sledge, 
and was being rapidly borne away from the scenes of horror 
which his ambition had caused. On the morrow Eugene, sick 
at heart with painful misgivings as to the future, but obedient 
to his Emperor's commands, moved on towards Vilna ; he 
writes from a bivouac near Ochmiana : 



270 eug£ne de beauharnais 

" December 6th, 1812. 

" Good evening, my dear Augusta. I am well, notwith- 
standing the excessive cold — 18 degrees below zero, I believe. 
You have probably heard that the Emperor has left the 
army in order to return to Paris. We may be sure that his 
presence there is necessary. We are all remaining at our 
posts. However, I hope if nothing happens this winter, that 
I shall be able to come and pay you a visit. I long to do so 
for more than one reason. . . . But it would be very wrong of 
me to leave just now, for, come what may, we must remain 
at our posts. Adieu, my dearest Augusta. I shall be at Vilna 
the day after to-morrow ; I will then send AUemagne ^ to you. 
The poor devil is worn out ; I really thought to-day that he 
was frozen from head to foot." 

The Grand Army, bereft of its Emperor, fell into a state of 
depression impossible to describe. The soldiers trudged 
along in the snow and sleet, with heads bent, neither looking 
to the right or to the left, like a flock of sheep going to 
slaughter ; so miserable, so benumbed by the cold, so 
hardened by suffering had they become, that they hardly 
noticed when any of their comrades, overcome by hunger 
and sickness, dropped out of the ranks. It is true that one 
still saw the strong helping the weak, a one-armed man sup- 
porting his lame comrade, or a half-blind veteran carrying 
his weaker brother on his shoulders ; but such cases were 
getting fewer and fewer. Lucky were those who were con- 
sidered strong enough to bear a journey ; they were not all so 
fortunate. Vilna was reached on December 8th, from whence 
Eugene wrote to his wife, telling her that he cannot send her 
any New Year's gifts this year, for he has lost all his carriages 
and draught-horses, and then he adds that he has been 
obliged to leave behind him at least twenty domestics who 
were too ill to continue the journey. 

Even in Vilna Eugene failed to find the rest for which he 
and his troops longed so ardently. Hardly had the French 
troops entered the town when the Russians appeared in sight. 
Murat, unwilling to face a siege, made off, leaving Eugene 
and Ney to brave the enemy. Unfortunately, many of the 
French soldiers, rendered desperate by weeks and months of 

^ One of Eugene's aides-de-camp. 



THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 271 

semi-starvation and unparalleled sufferings, became intoxi- 
cated, and began to pillage the town. Mustering such troops 
as would obey them — about 600 — Ney and Eugene en- 
deavoured to hold Vilna. A few hours soon showed them 
that they would have to continue the weary march westward. 
During the night of December gth-ioth the two commanders 
marched their troops out of Vilna and began to move in the 
direction of Kowno. With 25 degrees of frost, incessantly 
harassed by Cossacks, obliged to abandon several of their 
number in Vilna — one shudders to think what their fate 
was ! — the Grand Army reached Kowno on December 12th, 
close to which town Eugene found his aide-de-camp, Alle- 
magne, wandering about, having not only lost his way but 
his horse, his orderly and his despatches ; he was half- 
perished with the cold into the bargain. An army of sledges 
covered with sick and dying, including Eugene's aide-de- 
camp Bataille and his mameluke Petrus, followed the forlorn 
soldiers. Eugene tells his wife in another fortnight he will be 
" the only person left to tell the tale." 

At Kowno Eugene and the different marshals held a 
meeting, when it was decided that the former was to take his 
troops to Marienwerder. In obedience to orders, Eugene now 
retreated to Wirballen, from whence he writes to Augusta : 

" Wirballen, December T^th, 1812. 
" We are now on the frontier of Poland and Prussia ; it 
seems that we are to take up our winter quarters on the banks 
of the Vistula. We are in the greatest need of rest. The 
enemy followed us in considerable numbers as far as Vilna. 
From Vilna to Kowno we only had to endure attacks from 
the cavalry and artillery. I hope that the enemy will soon 
get tired of pursuing us, and that they will not cross the 
Niemen in very great numbers. I was obliged to leave poor 
Petrus at Kowno ; he was too ill to travel. I much fear that I 
shall lose him. I begged the people at my lodgings to take 
care of him, and I left some money for him. ... I am fairly 
well, notwithstanding my anxiety and fatigue. ..." 

What became of poor Petrus ? Too humble to be noticed. 
History is silent concerning his fate. 

In another letter Eugene tries to take his troubles lightly, 
for he tells Augusta to warn her ladies that when their 



272 eug£ne de beauharnais 

friends return to Italy, they will find that these brave sons of 
Mars have lost their noses and ears in Russia — " for every- 
thing freezes here ! " 

But he strikes a tragic note when he unbosoms himself to 
his private secretary, Baron Darnay, in this letter which 
brings so vividly to our eyes the spectacle of the sufferings 
of his troops : 

" I am sending Fortis^ to Milan. Question him well, my 
dear Darnay, and he will tell you what we have gone through 
during the last two months. The climate has been the ruin of 
us. Our beautiful Grand Army no longer exists ! Our losses 
are enormous. The sight we see every day is heart-rending. 
Our friends, our comrades, fall dead of hunger, cold and 
fatigue by the roadside. Joubert^ died three days ago. The 
Italians die like flies. The royal guard was not even able to 
save 200 men. Those who get home alive may think them- 
selves very lucky ; that is all I myself care about. Glory no 
longer has any charms for me : it is too costly. Adieu." 

On reaching Marienwerder Eugene set himself the painful 
task of counting his losses ; the result was appalling. Of the 
2000 troops still remaining to him, half of that number were 
too weak to hold their guns, crippled, maimed for life. 

He was able to rest for a fortnight at Marienwerder, and 
while here he received from Augusta a welcome gift of warm 
clothes for his troops. In his letter of thanks he regrets that 
he is not with her on Christmas Eve to distribute the presents 
which always accompany this fete in the land of fir-trees. 

The dawn of the year 1813 saw no change in Eugene's 
position, except that Prussia, well aware of Russia's success, 
was beginning to show signs of rebellion. 

At Murat's command, Eugene now moved on to Posen, at 
the same time sending 500 troops to protect the town of 
Thorn. No sooner did he leave Marienwerder than the 
Cossacks recommenced their attacks. However, on this 
occasion the French troops were better able to repulse them — 
probably owing to their fortnight's rest — and they chased the 
Russians over the frozen Vistula, killed many of their 
number and captured several horses. 

^ One of Eugene's aides-de-camp. 

2 A relative of the celebrated General Joubert who perished in the Battle 
of Novi, 1799. 



EUGENE AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 273 

Eugene entered Posen January 17th. Here he was greeted 
by a piece of news for which he was by no means unprepared. 
Murat, imitating his Imperial master, announced his in- 
tention of returning to Naples in order to see after his 
interests, which, although only a humble King, he declared 
were at stake, and of giving over the command of the rem- 
nant of the Grand Army to the viceroy. Ah ! well might 
Napoleon say that everything went wrong when he was not 
on the spot. Everybody was indignant, but — the rats were 
beginning to leave the sinking ship in earnest. 

One by one Napoleon's marshals, officers of high and low 
rank, began to slink back to France. 

At first Eugene refused to accept the post of commander- 
in-chief from Murat, whom he had always mistrusted ; he 
was still so diffident, so distrustful of his own powers. But 
when it was represented to him that he was the only lieu- 
tenant of the Emperor now in Prussia, he accepted the task 
of trying to retreat with honour to himself and the Grand 
Army. He wrote to Augusta on the same day : 

" Posen, January lyth, 1813. 

" My dear Augusta — I have to announce to you a most 
astounding piece of news ; on leaving Marienwerder I re- 
ceived orders from King Murat telling me to travel post and 
join him in Posen. Hardly had I arrived when I heard that 
he was about to abandon the army. He is ill and does not 
wish to keep his command ; he is even starting without wait- 
ing to learn the Emperor's wishes. He wanted to give me 
command of the" army, but I did not wish to accept the post 
from his hands ; as he persisted in his intention of going off, I 
took command of the army for a time, difficult task though it 
may be, in order to give the Emperor a last proof of my de- 
votion. Everything has been left in the greatest confusion, 
and I assure you, my good Augusta, that I have a terrible 
task before me. I cannot hope to carry it through with glory 
to myself, but at least I have got the courage to undertake it, 
and I shall certainly not relinquish it now I have once begun. 
Adieu, my dear Augusta. What grieves me most is to think 
that I shall not be able to write to you so often, for my time 
will be fully occupied." 



274 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

In a letter to the Emperor bearing the same date he says : 

" Sire — I have the honour to inform Your Majesty that 
the King left the army at four o'clock this morning. Last 
night the Prince de Neufchatel (Berthier) and I did our very 
best to persuade him to remain. As no marshal of the Em- 
pire is here, and as I am Your Majesty's only lieutenant, I 
have taken command of the army for the time being, until 
Your Majesty has the kindness to appoint a commander-in- 
chief. I am going to endeavour to gather a few thousand 
men round me in order to establish communications with 
Warsaw. I much regret that I have not got 20,000 men 
at my disposal, because I am convinced that if I could 
strengthen my right wing and group my forces round War- 
saw, the enemy would postpone any serious attack. Un- 
fortunately no properly organized troops exist at the present 
moment. ..." 

Napoleon did not keep his step-son waiting for his consent : 

" FoNTAiNEBLEAU, January 22nd, 1813. 
" My Son — ^Take command of the Grand Army. / am sorry 
I did not give it to you on my departure. I flatter myself that, 
had I done so, you would have retreated less precipitately, 
and I should not have suffered such huge losses. However, it 
is no good crying over spilt milk. You must write me full 
particulars every day, ..." 



CHAPTER XI 

Eugene begins his difficult task — He saves the hfe of his orderly at the 
Battle of Mockern — -The Battle of Liitzen — -Eugtee receives orders to 
return to Italy in order to raise more troops — Austria declares war — 
Wholesale desertion of Italian and Croatian soldiers — ^Eugene's father- 
in-law tries to persuade him to betray the Emperor's confidence — The 
Emperor receives false reports of Eugene's behaviour — A mysterious 
interview — Eugene is offered a very valuable bribe — The King of 
Bavaria is discomfited. 

EUG£NE immediately put his shoulder to the wheel 
and began his huge task of reorganizing the Grand 
Army. More than one of Napoleon's generals speaks of the 
viceroy's wonderful talent for making his troops obey him. 
But he now found himself face to face with a task before 
which the Emperor himself had recoiled, and which had 
caused Murat to remember that, although only a humble 
king, he must attend to his own interests before all things. 
King Murat was a clever and a discerning person. 

In the letters written by Eugene to Augusta during the 
months of January and February, 1813, he deplores the 
scarcity of troops, repeats over and over again that he is fear- 
fully busy, that he is up to his neck in work, that he finds that 
everything has been left in the greatest confusion, and that 
the only thing which enables him to continue his task is the 
thought that the Emperor will be pleased with his efforts. 

Years after Napoleon, in speaking of this campaign, did 
justice to Eugene when he said : 

" We all made mistakes ; Eugene was the only one of our 
number who never made any." 

And General Armand says even more : 

" The fifty days' campaign from Posen to Leipsic was the 
most extraordinary during the Russian campaign." And he 
adds that : " All authorities in military matters agree that 
this marvel of strategy would alone suffice to place Prince 
Eugene among the greatest generals mentioned in history." 

It was about this time that Augusta's health began to give 
way under the strain of anxiety, and she wrote to Napoleon 

275 



276 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

begging him to restore her husband to her. But it was clearly 
Eugene's duty to remain at his post. How could he belie the 
motto he had adopted on accepting the duties of viceroy : 
Honour and Fidelity ? Because Napoleon's disasters were 
being reflected in his family's conduct, Eugene saw no reason 
why he should follow their example, and he says as much in 
his next letter to Augusta : 

" PosEN, January 28th, 1813. 

"... I found everything upside down. Lately nobody has 
thought of anything but trying to save himself, and nobody 
even knows where to find the necessary troops. I shall con- 
sider that I have done something if I can manage to restore 
calm among my men and make them work together. I hope 
that people will not say that I took the command to gratify 
my own ambition, for I did so for the Emperor's sake ; it 
would be impossible to find a more difiicult task. Find out 
for me if it is true that the king (Murat) has passed through 
Milan on his way to Naples, for he told us that he was going 
to stay with the King of Westphalia (Jerome) and rest 
awhile : an invalid would find it rather a long journey to 
travel straight to Naples without stopping anywhere on the 
way. We must confess that the Emperor is very badly 
treated by his own family. I hope that this little incident 
will open his eyes. ... I work very hard, but I do it gladly, if, 
by so doing, I can show the Emperor who are his best friends. 
We have not moved yet ; but I dare not hope for any success, 
and I much fear that the enemy will force us to beat a retreat 
across the Oder, and then the Russians will occupy the whole 
of unfortunate Poland. 

" P.S. — Poor Michael's son died the day before yesterday ; 
I am very sorry, for he was a good servant." 

Eugene now had 17,000 troops at his command ; but what 
could 17,000 troops do against millions ? Napoleon sent him 
letter after letter of advice how to defend Poland, but advice 
was of little good when there were not enough troops to carry 
out his orders. 

On February 2nd Eugene had a very painful duty to per- 
form ; he had to tell the Emperor that Ney, although openly 
condemning Murat 's conduct, had, after much grumbling and 
hesitation, imitated his example and thrown up his post. In 
this letter Eugene tells his step-father that words cannot ex- 
dress the state of despondency into which the Grand Army, 



EUGENE'S DIFFICULT TASK 277 

abandoned by nearly all its generals, has sunk since leaving 
Vilna. Persuasion and threats are equally effectless. And 
yet Eugene had been able to keep his position in Posen for 
eighteen days. But on February 12th several thousand 
Russian troops appeared in sight, and all communication 
with the Emperor was cut off. Eugene was now forced, much 
against his will, to move nearer Berlin. While doing so, he 
lost his servant Janois, to whom he was much attached. Poor 
Janois, having ventured too far from the army, was captured 
by some Russian soldiers and probably cut to pieces. But 
Eugene's grief for this loss was soon forgotten in a more 
widespread disaster ; for we find that, notwithstanding 
Napoleon's assertion that Eugene had never made any 
mistakes, he now made a very serious miscalculation when 
some of his Lithuanian troops were surprised and captured 
by a band of Cossacks. Napoleon was furious on learning 
of this defeat. 

On February 20th Eugene, still harassed by the Cossacks, 
but hoping to be able to remain in Berlin until reinforce- 
ments from France and Italy would enable him to return the 
Russians' attack, now entered that town, where he learnt 
that Frederick William III had concluded a secret treaty 
with Russia, and had already gone to Breslau. From Berlin 
he writes to the Emperor : 

" February 22nd, 1813. 

"... The enemy have advanced up to the very walls of 
Berlin. The day before yesterday about 80 Cossacks 
managed to get into the city and alarm everybody. The due 
de Castiglione^ (Augereau), by mustering his garrison and 
placing his guns pointing down the different avenues, 
obliged the enemy to beat a retreat. The Russians then 
retired to Charlottenburg, from whence they spread over the 
country in bands of 25 or 40 men. The excellent conduct of 
the inhabitants of Berlin helped to re-establish order. The 
populace was very excited ; it set upon any isolated officers 
and soldiers, and gave them a good drubbing. Having learnt 
this news at Furstenwald, and knowing that Marshal 
Augereau had no cavalry to drive the Cossacks away, I 

^ Augereau, Pierre Francois Charles (1757-1816): was born of humble 
parents, entered the army and soon distinguished himself by his talents. 
After having served Bonaparte faithfully and earned various titles and 
honours for himself, he betrayed the Emperor's confidence and offered his 
services to Louis XVIII, who wisely refused them. 



278 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

started this morning witli the cavalry belonging to the guard, 
and by riding hard we managed to get here before four 
o'clock. The enemy, having learnt of our arrival, were care- 
ful to keep out of our way ; in fact, we only saw a few 
Cossacks in the distance. I shall take care that my cavalry 
are ready to chase them quite away from the town before 
daybreak to-morrow." 

The Emperor, on learning of the disastrous effects of 
Eugene's miscalculation, sent an angry letter, of which we 
find an echo in the following letter from the viceroy : 

" March i^th, 1813. 

" Sire — I can see only too well from the last letters which I 
have received from Your Majesty that you approve of none 
of my plans concerning a march towards the Elbe, and I fear 
that you will not approve of the position which I considered 
it was my duty to take up on the banks of that river. 
Obliged by recent events to act immediately, I, although in 
dire need of Your Majesty's advice, did what I thought best. 
I considered I was sufficiently prudent, and that I could not 
go very far wrong if I listened to the dictates of my con- 
science. However, zeal is of but little use when such great 
interests are at stake ; skill and talent are then necessary, 
and perhaps, notwithstanding all my efforts, the task is too 
difficult for me. So if Your Majesty thinks, as all your letters 
give me reason to suppose, that I am not capable of executing 
your commands, I beg you not to leave me any longer in a 
position where I displease you, and I entreat you to let some- 
body else take my place as commander of the army ; and, as 
I wish above all things to serve my country at this moment, I 
beg Your Majesty to give me command of some division 
where I can prove to you my zeal and my undying affection." 

But Napoleon knew too well that officers such as Eugene 
were difficult to find, and especially at that time, when 
everybody of note or ambition wanted to be in Paris to 
watch what was going to happen. His next letter was less 
severe. 

The Emperor's appeal to the Senate for more money, more 
ammunition, and, above all, more troops, was heard and 
answered by the country. Yet a few more weeks and the 
second Grand Army was to sally forth from Lutece with 
bands playing and flags flying. 



EUGfiNE'S HEALTH 279 

Meanwhile Eugene received orders to concentrate his 
troops round Magdeburg ; but before making his junction 
with the second Grand Army, Eugene was to see another 
battle, namely, the Battle of Mockern, which was to the 
advantage of the Russians, an advantage which they did not 
follow up. It was on this occasion that Eugene saved the life 
of his Polish orderly, who, when carrying a portfolio full of 
important despatches, was set upon by some Cossacks, and 
would have been taken prisoner if Eugene, heedless of danger, 
had not galloped up, and, discharging his pistol right and 
left, forced his assailants to release their prize. The portfolio 
was picked up pierced through and through by the Cossacks' 
lances. This memento of a glorious deed was treasured by 
Augusta until the day of her death. Colonel Kliski, the 
viceroy's orderly, never forgot his benefactor ; and, as long 
as Eugene lived, he always received a birthday letter of 
gratitude and good wishes from his grateful orderly. 

Eugene's health was beginning to show signs of failing ; he 
speaks in his letters to his wife of loss of voice, of bronchitis 
and lumbago, and other ills which he, being unable to lie up, 
took some time to cure. In one letter he says : " I have felt 
very tired these last few days. When dismounting from my 
horse yesterday I found I could hardly stand on my feet. . . . 
I shall soon get better when I have you to take care of me." 

We now find a letter from Napoleon written from Trianon, 
where he was spending a few days with his wife and the little 
King of Rome, preparatory to setting forth in order to try 
and regain lost ground. 

" Trianon, March 18th, 1813. 

" My Son — I have received your letter of the 14th inst. 
You must not keep any artillery'^ among the guards now with 
you ; all the artillery must march upon Frankfort. So if 
you still have any with you at the present moment, you 
must send them to join their comrades. Wittenberg must be 
protected. However, I do not think that 3000 troops are 
necessary to do so ; from 1500 to 2000 ought to suffice. I 
have already told you what sort of troops you ought to 
employ. They must have provisions for three months, and 
you must have enough water to fill the moats with six feet of 
water. The fortress ought to be able to protect itself. Give 

1 The sentences in italics in the above letter were added in Napoleon's 
own handwriting. 



28o eug£ne de beauharnais 

orders that pieces of ordnance be placed in front of the 
bridge, that another smaller bridge be constructed with 
palisades on the left bank, and that it be protected by four 
guns, so that the enemy, if they cross the river, may not be 
able to bum it. Have a hlockaus {sic) constructed. Four or 
five small bridges have been built over the inundated district. 
These you must hold at all costs, so that the sentinels may 
not be surprised and captured by the Cossacks. General 
Bourcier writes to me, but tells me nothing in his letters. I 
understand that he has 5000 men and 5000 horses at Han- 
over, and that he cannot make use of these troops because 
they neither have arms nor equipments. 

" Yesterday I sent you an account of what the War Office 
has in use at the present time, and what is now at Magdeburg. 
I understand that you have distributed 40 francs to each of 
your men, with which to fit themselves out. Your letters tell 
me nothing. I must have some details, and then I shall know 
better what I have to send you. Many things can be pur- 
chased with paper money in the markets ; it is just as good as 
specie. However, the War Office has probably sent money 
to Magdeburg. 

" The enemy's cavalry will not dare to advance towards 
Hamburg if you have taken up an offensive position on the 
right bank, for fear lest they should be cut off from the main 
body of troops. 

" You told me in one of your letters that an epidemic was 
raging among the Saxon troops. It is most important that 
General Gerard^ should not allow his men to mix with the 
Saxons. This is most important." 

On April 15th Napoleon left Saint-Cloud. He reached 
Mayence on the i6th, and crossed the Oder with his second 
Grand Army. Friberg was entered on April 22nd. At his 
step-father's orders Eugene now moved on towards Leipsic. 
Napoleon reached Erfurt April 26th. 

On May ist the Battle of Weissenfels was fought by Eugene 
and the remnant of the first Grand Army ; the battle was 
productive of a great loss to France, for Bessieres, one of 

^ Gerard, Etienne-Maurice (1773-1852) : first served in Italy under 
Bernadotte, then fought at Wagram, where he was wounded. When 
under the orders of General Grouchy at Waterloo, he in vain tried to per- 
suade that general that Napoleon was in need of his assistance. He was 
wounded the same day at Wavres. On retiring from the army he was 
elected a Deputy ; he was universally respected and received many honours 
before his death. 



THE EMPEROR AND HIS SOLDIERS 281 

Napoleon's best generals, was killed on this occasion. On the 
evening after this encounter Eugene made his junction with 
the Emperor at Liitzen, where a great battle was to be fought 
on the morrow. Eugene writes to his wife on the eve of the 
Battle of Liitzen : 

" From the Camp outside Lutzen, May 2nd, 1813, 5 a.m. 
"... I met the Emperor at four o'clock last night. We had 
a little encounter with the enemy yesterday which was with- 
out any important results except that poor Marshal Bessieres 
was killed by a bullet. I had not a single man wounded 
among all my troops ; we took several prisoners. There is one 
remarkable fact, and that is that we made our junction with 
the Grand Army on the anniversary of one of Gustavus- 
Adolphus'i battles. Adieu, my good Augusta. The Em- 
peror received me very kindly." 

The last sentence in Eugene's letter contains a world of 
meaning ; the Emperor still possessed his soldiers' love and 
esteem. One kind word from him who was rather proud of 
asserting that he had risen from the canaille (although we 
doubt very much whether Charles Marie Buonaparte, 
assessor at the good town at Ajaccio and husband of that 
excellent woman Letizia Ramolino, would have liked to have 
been told that he belonged to the canaille) could bring tears 
of gratitude to the eyes of the most weather-beaten veteran. 
A touching anecdote is related of how the Emperor was one 
day distributing honours to several well-deserving soldiers 
who had spent the best years of their lives in his service. 
One old veteran, not understanding that the coveted cross of 
the Legion d'honneur went with the title he was to receive, 
loudly expressed his indignation at being " left out in the 
cold." His neighbours tried in vain to quiet him. The Em- 
peror, disturbed by a continual muttering and grumbling 
coming from the rows of warriors drawn up in front of him, 
inquired rather sharply : " Well, what's the matter ? " 

" What's the matter ? " retorted a tall, gaunt figure, blind 
of one eye, his face so covered with scars that it looked like 
a chessboard, trembling and almost speechless with in- 
dignation, limping on one leg as he stepped forth from the 
ranks, but still saluting his Emperor. " What's the matter, 

^ Gustavus-Adolphus, King of Sweden (1594-1632) : son and successor 
of Charles X, was killed at the Battle of Liitzen which he won over the 
Austrians. 



282 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

d'ye say ? What do I care for your d — d titles ? Keep 'em 
for others. Look, look at these scars ! Here's Marengo ! 
Auerstadt ! Jena ! Eylau ! Friedland ! Wagram ! . . ." 
(He might have added, " And there's room for more ! ") 

A tear of wounded pride rolled down the bronzed cheek of 
this modern Cyclops. 

" Ah ! mon enfant ! " cried the Emperor, folding the 
aggrieved grognard in his arms, at the same time pinning the 
coveted decoration on the shabby, blood-stained coat. 

The Battle of Liitzen, fought on May 2nd, was a brilliant 
success for the Grand Army, notwithstanding the fact that 
the two sovereigns of Prussia and Russia, although forced to 
retreat hastily from the battle-field, loudly declared that they 
had been successful all along the line. Eugene writes : 

" From a Bivouac near Torgau, May yd, 1813. 
" We fought a splendid battle yesterday, my good Augusta; 
and just as I anticipated, it was entirely in our favour. The 
Russian and Prussian armies attacked our right wing while 
I was marching towards Leipsic. We immediately returned 
the attack, and so beat them, notwithstanding their superior 
cavalry. The Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia 
were present. We killed and wounded many." 

The next week saw almost daily battles, and always with 
success to the Grand Army. 

However, on May 8th Eugene received commands from 
the Emperor to return to Italy — not to rest, that was out of 
the question, but to raise another army by conscription, and 
thus enable the Emperor to continue his punishment of 
Prussia and Russia. Good luck seemed about to return to 
France. 

On May 12th Eugene left Dresden, whither he had gone 
with the Grand Army on May 8th, and started for Italy. He 
travelled via Munich, where he had a long interview with his 
father-in-law, " a satisfactory interview," he tells his step- 
father ; "for the King of Bavaria is not likely to abandon 
you " no, not as long as the Emperor was successful. 

Eugene's return was saddened by fears for the future. He 
pursued with feverish haste his task of raising troops — not to 
aid the Emperor, however, but to protect Italy from 
Austria's invasion. He was also much distressed by news 
from Naples, where Junot, who for some years had been 



RETURN TO ITALY 283 

showing signs of insanity, caused probably by wounds in his 
head received in battle, was bringing ridicule upon himself 
and his compatriots by his mad escapades. Already, on 
being made Governor of Paris, he had assumed such an 
absurd air of importance that the Emperor had given him 
the nickname of Monsieur le marquis. Poor Junot was one of 
Napoleon's truest friends ; the mere thought of losing his 
Emperor's affection would cause him to cry like a child. The 
Bonapartes' folie des grandeurs must have been contagious ; 
the due d'Abrantes' insanity seems to have manifested itself 
in the same form. However, he had other and less harmless 
whims, one of which consisted of shooting at his fellow- 
citizens as if they were so many rabbits. He was also fond of 
appearing in public in the costume of our first parents. On 
one occasion he insisted upon perching himself, attired in a 
night-cap and nothing else, on the box of a stage-coach. But 
his last act of folly had been to write two incoherent letters, 
one to the admiral of the English fleet cruising in the Adriatic 
and the other, which we will now reproduce, to the viceroy of 
Italy : 

" I appoint you king of all the country from the Adige to 
Cattaro. I give you all the territory owned by the Turks in 

Bosnia, in (illegible) as far as the Bosphorus of Thrace. 

I give you one island in the Adriatic, one in the Black Sea, 
one in the Red Sea, one in the Mediterranean, one in the 
Atlantic Ocean and one in the Indies. Sixteen shares in the 
gold, silver and diamond mines are to be distributed in the 
following manner : to His Majesty, the great Napoleon, I give 

four , to His Imperial Highness the viceroy, whom I 

make emperor or whatever Napoleon likes, two ; to the 

Prince of Neufchatel, whom I make Emperor of Austria, half 

a share ; to the kings of the Confederation whom 

Napoleon will make, as he likes, either emperors of Spain or 
kings, to the King of Naples, to the King of Holland, to the 
King of Westphalia, to the king {sic), and to all the kings 
whom the Emperor shall make, four shares — to the English 
half a share, and to myself half a share, to govern Brazil, 
Portugal, half of North America, while the English will 
receive the other half, the South Sea, the Indies and China, 
if the Emperor wishes. We will take possession of everything 
and we will be crowned in the midst of ten million soldiers, 
all friends, in the middle of Pekin ; and all this shall come 



284 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

about before another ten years have elapsed. I will tell you 
all the details of the details when I see you." 

Napoleon naturally wished to put a stop to this sad state 
of affairs, and he wrote to Eugene : 

" Dresden, July 8th, 1813. 

" My Son — I am surprised that after all the due d'Abrantes 
has done you have not sent him back to France. I can only 
express my displeasure that you have not put a stop to such 
a distressing spectacle for our compatriots abroad. Send him 
away without more delay, and, as he cannot go to Paris, as 
he is too well known there, he must be taken to his father's 
place near Dijon. Write to the War Office that his wife may 
go and meet him and take charge of him." 

On July 22nd Junot returned to the humble home at 
Montbard, which he had left so many years ago in order to 
follow the tricolour flag. He was placed in the little room in 
which he was born ; and it is said that during the brief 
moments of lucidity which preceded his death only seven 
days after his return, he recognized the faces and objects 
which he had known and loved in his childhood. 

Eugene's army numbered 50,574 infantry and 1800 cavalry 
troops, many of whom, however, came from Croatia and 
Dalmatia, and were of an inferior stamp to those of the 
Grand Army and the armee d' Italic. Eugene was aware of 
this fact, and he dreaded lest his new army should prove less 
valorous than the first. 

On July 17th Eugene set his army in motion, not too soon, 
either, for Austrian agents were hard at work in Croatia and 
Illyria preaching the wholesale desertion which was to follow 
the declaration of war. Before setting off, however, he and 
his wife paid a short visit to Venice, where she remained and 
was feted by the Venetians, while he went to inspect several 
strongholds in the environs. Having escorted Augusta back 
to Milan, Eugene bade farewell to her and started for Udine 
on August 8th. 

During a brief truce with the Allies, Napoleon had been 
able to rally his army, which had been much strengthened by 
the arrival of some picked cavalry troops from Spain. But 
now Austria put an end to the truce by saying that, if by 
August nth. Napoleon did not consent to Metternich's 



WAR WITH AUSTRIA 285 

terms, she would join forces with Russia and Prussia and 
make him do so. 

Napoleon replied to Austria's ultimatum by again taking 
the offensive from Dresden, where he had established his 
head-quarters, and where a great battle was about to be 
fought. He directed a series of operations against his trio of 
foes. At first he was successful, Austria's ultimatum and 
consequent behaviour quite prevented Eugene rejoining the 
Emperor ; in future he had to do his best to protect the king- 
dom confided to his charge. He was destined to experience 
trouble at the very outset of his operations. His young, in- 
experienced and only half-trained Croatian troops, rendered 
deaf to their commander's behests by Austria's repeated 
assurances that they would soon be rid of their French 
master, deserted together with many a child of sunny Italy, 
and fled back to their homes or, what was worse, preached 
open rebellion, and thus did even more harm. Eugene was 
obliged at last to issue a proclamation in which he stated 
that all deserters from the armee d' Italic would be considered 
as enemies and shot. 

On August 19th the Austrians crossed the Save near 
Agram. Laybach and Villach quickly gave in to their 
former master. However, Eugene's prompt behaviour 
enabled him to recover the latter town — but not for long. 
Austria was less successful at Rossek and Federaun, while 
the brilliant victory of Feistritz, chiefly due to the furia 
francese of some newly arrived French conscripts and also, 
perhaps, to the news of Napoleon's success at Dresden,^ 
caused the viceroy to write the following welcome letter to 
his step-father : 

" Krainburg, September yth, 1813. 

"... We attacked the enemy at three o'clock in the after- 
noon. The engagement was warm and success was ours from 
the very beginning. The enemy's retrenchments were carried 
with cries of ' Long life to the Emperor ! ' We pursued the 
enemy for two leagues. The enemy's three battalions of 
grenadiers had no time to deploy. The foremost battalion 
alone had time to discharge their guns. Our young soldiers 
did not even deign to reply, but flung themselves upon the 
enemy with fixed bayonets. Night and the terrible weather 

^ The Battle of Dresden, when Napoleon defeated his three enemies, 
was fought August 26th-27th, 1813. 



286 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

prevented us pursuing them any further. . . . This day's work, 
which cost the enemy 400 killed and wounded, did the 
greatest honour to the officers, generals and troops concerned 
in it. We took 350 prisoners. Our young soldiers fought as 
bravely as any of the veterans." 

Eugene's troops won several other small victories during 
the next few days, including the Battle of Saint Marein, 
when he captured 400 prisoners. 

But we find the following ominous sentence in a letter 
written to Augusta, dated October 4th, from Santa Croce : 
" I hope that His Majesty will soon conclude a peace, for, if 
this war continues,we can hope for nothing but misfortunes." 

All thoughts of joining the Emperor and of being of use to 
him with his new army now vanished for ever from Eugene's 
heart. From Gradisca — for retreat had become a necessity — 
he writes to Augusta the following letter, in which he tries to 
make her believe that he can still be cheerful : 

" Gradisca, October 11th, 1813. 
"... I had quite forgotten to tell you that I had sent 
Bataille to Milan, so you will probably see him before you 
get this letter. I really think he would have given up the 
ghost if I had detained him any longer ; he was in such a 
hurry to get married that he could not sleep ! I felt all the 
more inclined to pity him because his last wound prevented 
him getting on his horse. I hope that he will find the happi- 
ness which he seems in such a hurry to enjoy. But marriage is 
a lottery, and it is not everybody who is as lucky as I have been, 
and can win the first 'prize. There ! that's a little secret for 
you ! . . ." 

Yet Eugene's heart must have been very heavy when he 
wrote the above letter, for he had just received a horrible 
piece of news : his father-in-law, now firmly convinced that 
although Napoleon might still be successful, that success 
could not last much longer — how could one man hope to 
vanquish three foes ? — was thinking about going over to the 
enemy's camp, and thus hastening the downfall of his son-in- 
law's benefactor. Here is the letter : 

" Nymphenburg, October ^th, 1813. 
" My beloved Son— You, better than anybody else, know 
with what scrupulous exactitude I have always fulfilled my 




(Photo : Stuffier, Munich) 
QUEEN CAROLINE, WIFE OF MAXIMILIAN-JOSEPH OF BAVARIA 



To face page 2S6 



A DISHONOURABLE OFFER 287 

promises to France, no matter what it has cost me to do so. 
The disasters of the last campaign, my dearest friend, have 
surpassed our worst fears ; nevertheless Bavaria has managed 
to raise a fresh army under the command of the Prince von 
Reuss, 1 with which she has hitherto been able to hold the 
Austrian army in check. This army protects part of my 
frontier, but leaves Bohemia from Passau to Egra, as well as 
the frontier of Franconia towards Saxony, unprotected. I 
have been hourly expecting somebody to come to the rescue 
of this huge piece of unprotected territory, but I have been 
disappointed. The neighbouring princes, including the King 
of Wiirtemberg, have refused to help me, pleading as their 
excuse that they want their troops to protect their own 
possessions. . . . The enemy's troops have been permitted to 
occupy the whole country from the Saal to the Elbe, to 
destroy several French corps and to threaten my frontiers. 
... It is probable that I shall be forced to fly together with 
my whole family. In such a critical and wellnigh hopeless 
position, the only course left open to me was to listen to the 
advice of the allied sovereigns and conclude a treaty with 
them. It seemed to me on this occasion (and I think I am 
quite justified in telling you) that the Austrians might 
possibly conclude an armistice with Italy. I tell you this as 
a father and not as a king, for I am convinced that you will 
know how to serve your own interests and at the same time, by 
fulfillingyour various duties, preserve your honour intact. . . . 

" I hope, my dear Eugene, that we shall still keep good 
friends, and perhaps I shall be able to prove to you hy deeds 
that my affection for you has suffered no change ; it will last 
as long as I live. 

" I embrace you a thousand times ; the queen embraces 
you." 

Before replying to this invitation to prove a traitor, 
Eugene issued a proclamation to his troops (an indirect reply 
we may almost call it), at the same time ordering 15,000 
conscripts to join the army immediately. In his proclama- 
tion Eugene reminded the Itahan nation that Austria had 
always tried to foment troubles among the different States, 
that she was jealous of Italy's prosperity, and that she was 

1 The house of Reuss is descended from Heinrich, count of Gleitsberg. 
The head of the eldest branch of the family received the title of prince in 

1778. 



288 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

now about to attempt to regain what she had lost. He then 
pointed out to them the progress they had made during the 
last twelve years, and ended by beseeching them to fight for 
the Emperor who had raised them from the dust and given 
them the most noble and most valuable institutions. 

Having done his best to protect the country entrusted to 
his charge, Eugene wrote to his father-in-law telling him that 
not only had his letter pained him beyond words, but it had 
made him tremble for his beloved wife's fate. 

" You know me well enough," he writes, " to realize that 
nothing can tempt me to leave the path of duty. I know that, 
by behaving thus, I am certain to find in you a true father 
and friend to myself, my dear Augusta and your grand- 
children. If Fortune is as unkind to me in future as she has 
hitherto been kind, I shall regret to my last day that I have 
not been able to make Augusta and her children as happy as 
I should have liked to have made them ; but my conscience 
will still be clear, and I shall leave the heritage of a spotless 
name to my children." He concludes with begging the King 
of Bavaria not to forget his daughter and his grandchildren. 

And now he had to tell Augusta of her father's proposal ; 
it was a difficult and a painful task, not the least painful 
among all the difficult tasks he had to accomplish. He hints 
to her that he will now have to face another enemy, and that 
the idea is not very pleasant, notwithstanding the fact that 
his enemies will have to be twice as strong as they now are 
if they want to drive him out of the country. He also says 
that he dreads what may happen in the Tyrol. After begging 
her to write to her father and try whether she can make him 
realize what a despicably mean thing he has done, he ends 
with these words : " It is a sad thing to see you, my good 
Augusta, obliged to forget that you are a Bavarian by birth." 

But Augusta's father had no intention of allowing her to 
forget that fact. We may suppose that, notwithstanding his 
cruel behaviour in forcing her to accept Eugene as a husband 
— ^luckily she never regretted it — he really loved his daughter. 
It is also probable that he felt a little ashamed of his ingrati- 
tude towards Napoleon, for, instead of writing directly to 
his daughter, he wrote to the Baroness von Wurmbs, 
Augusta's governess, who had accompanied her to Italy after 
her marriage, assuring her that he would neither forget her 
nor her husband. 



EUG£NE'S anxiety for his family 289 

Augusta was thoroughly indignant at the covert hints con- 
tained in her father's letter to Eugene. With what sorrow 
did she not reply, saying that " she refused to influence her 
husband in any way, that she would forget that she was a 
Bavarian by birth, and would only remember that she had 
the sweetest of children and the best and most beloved of 
husbands ! " 

Eugene was deeply moved when he heard what she had 
done. Although he regretted that she had not tried to in- 
fluence her father for good, he could but approve of her 
letter, and assure her that, no matter what might happen, he 
would prove to her that he was proud to be her husband. 

Again the King of Bavaria tried to persuade his daughter 
to influence her husband to imitate his conduct and forsake 
the Emperor. Again she wrote, reminding him of her sub- 
mission in the past, that he had once loved her as a father 
should love his daughter, but assuring him that she would 
not hear a word against Eugene. She concludes by saying 
that she will not write again to her father, " as filial duty 
forbids her saying all she feels." 

And now Eugene is assailed by serious fears lest the enemy 
should penetrate so far into Italy that Augusta and her little 
flock should be forced to fly from Milan. He sends her in- 
structions what to do in such an emergency : 

" Gradisca, October lyth, 1813. 

"... We must be ready for every emergency, for, if the 
enemy captured Pino,^ you would have to make up your 
mind to leave and go with our children to Geneva, where my 
mother, as you know, has a little house ^ outside the town. 
However, I will send Triaire^ to warn you in good time, and 
you need not leave Milan until the enemy reach Brescia. 
You must have plenty of horses to draw your carriages, etc. 
You will take as your escort mounted dragoons belonging 
to the guard now in Milan, I do not think that you need be 
alarmed if you hear that some of the enemy's troops have 
come down from the mountains. The most you can do for 
the time being is to pack up your most valuable possessions 
and get your money from Hennin, so as to be ready to start 
in twenty-four or forty-eight hours. I repeat, however, that 
I hope you will not be obliged to do this. ..." 

^ General Pino was one of Eugene's generals. 

" The chateau de Pregny. ^ Aide-de-camp to Eugene. 

T 



290 EUCxfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

As usually happens, when Augusta did have to fly from 
Italy nobody was prepared, and she and her children were 
able to save from the wreck of their fortune but little else 
than the clothes on their backs. It is not to be wondered at 
that Augusta's health did not improve under these trying 
circumstances. Continued bad news from her husband, 
whose troops were being overwhelmed by superior forces, and 
whose movements were being influenced all unconsciously by 
the terrible defeat of the second Grand Army outside Leipsic 
(October i8th), " the Battle of the Nations," as it was called, 
and also by the Battle of Hanau, when Augusta's com- 
patriots under Wrede^ fought against the viceroy's army, 
only aggravated her condition. 

The end of October saw the progress of the enemy in Italy 
still more accentuated. General Fenner had many successes 
in the Tyrol, whose inhabitants were only too glad to return 
to their former master. Belluno was invaded by Austrian 
troops, and Eugene, who had been driven to Udine, was 
forced back to Verona, where he was soon joined by General 
Gifflenga, who had just sustained fearful losses. General 
Grenier, however, obtained a small victory at Bassano, 
where Eugene took command of the right wing of the army. 

During the month of November Eugene's troops obtained 
one or two insignificant successes and one very important 
victory at the Battle of Caldiero (November 15th), when 
15,000 Austrian troops were killed, 900 taken prisoner and 
200 cannons seized. How bitterly on this occasion the 
viceroy deplored the fact that he had not the same army at 
his back which he had had in 1809 ! 

It was about this time that Eugene received a visit from 
Fouche, who had been sent by the Emperor who was back 
in Paris, to sound the King of Naples and see how matters 
were progressing in Italy generally. We will quote from 
Fouche's memoirs : 

" I went to confer upon the state of affairs with the prince 
viceroy, whom I found extremely uneasy but firmly devoted 
to the Emperor's cause. He was much grieved at the rupture, 
and had no longer any confidence in the fortunes of Napoleon. 

1 Wrede, Charles Philip, Prince von (1767-1838) : commanded France's 
Bavarian auxiliary troops from 1805 until 1813, and distinguished him- 
self at Abensberg and Wagram, when Napoleon made him count of the 
French Empire. From 1813 until 1815 he fought for Bavaria and obtained 
considerable success over France. 



A VISIT FROM FOUCHfi 291 

' It would have been better,' said he to me, * if he had lost, 
without too great disadvantage, the two first battles at the 
beginning of the campaign ; he would have retreated in time 
behind the Rhine.' I did not conceal from him the fact that 
I had given to the Emperor the very same advice at Dresden, 
but that nothing could make any impression upon him. ' It 
is all the more unfortunate,' said I to him, ' because he loses 
in person at the first battle and the political reorganization 
will be settled without him.' Eugene was struck with this re- 
flection, and for the first time, perhaps, he was awake to the 
instability of his political existence. I did not say anything 
more upon this occasion, having but little confidence in those 
about him. He at length owned to me what I had foreseen, 
that he had strong reasons for believing that Bavaria was at 
that moment about to detach herself from our alliance ; that 
the Bavarian army upon the frontiers of Austria had made 
no movement to arrest those of the Austrians, who were 
advancing in great force, although slowly, through the valley 
of the Drave, towards the Tyrol ; that he himself, being no 
longer able to govern Italy, was about to retreat behind the 
Isonzo, in order to interpose the defiles between him and the 
enemy. ..." 

Fouche anticipates events. Eugene kept his post as vice- 
roy of Italy until April nth, 1814, when it was taken from 
him. But it was to the interests of such persons as Fouche 
and Talleyrand to try and make the Emperor believe that 
Eugene was about to follow the example of Bemadotte, the 
Emperor of Austria and the King of Bavaria, who, having 
taken all they could get from Napoleon, were now falling 
away from him very much in the same way in which leeches 
fall off when they have taken their fill of blood. It is comfort- 
ing to know that the Emperor was not deserted by all those 
who had received benefits from his hand, that Eugene was 
only one of several, and that his misfortunes and the calm, 
dignified way in which he bore those misfortunes won him 
more than one friend. Even the disastrous Battle of Leipsic 
was unable to quell the courage of this lion-hearted man ; it 
was after this battle that Carnot,^ who had hitherto shown 

^ Carnot, Lazare Nicolas Marguerite (1753-1823) : early adopted Re- 
publican opinions — and kept them. He voted against Napoleon being 
made Consul for life and tried to prevent the Empire becoming an accom- 
phshed fact. His love for his country and his admiration for Napoleon's 
bravery induced him to re-enter the army in 1813, and to devote his 



292 eug£ne de beauharnais 

dislike for, and mistrust of the Emperor, offered him his 
sword, which Napoleon accepted. 

And Augusta well realized the Emperor's feelings when 
she wrote the following noble letter to him : 

" MoNZA, November 8th, 1813. 
" Sire — Fear lest I should importune Your Majesty with 
my letters has hitherto prevented me writing to you. But I 
should consider myself guilty of undutifulness if, under the 
circumstances, I did not assure Your Majesty of my tender 
attachment. Believe me, nothing on earth shall make me forget 
my duty, and you can count upon my entire devotion as upon 
that of Eugene. He will defend the kingdom to the very last 
moment. I, for my part, shall try to encourage those weak- 
hearted creatures who allow themselves to be depressed 
whenever they hear that there is any danger. If we perish, 
at least we shall have the consolation of having always done 
our duty, I beg you not to forget our four children, and to 
continue to extend your kindness to us ; I hope that we are 
worthy of it . I have the honour to remain, with the truest 
affection and deepest respect. Your Majesty's affectionate 
and obedient daughter." 

The above letter destroys the absurd reports which were 
then in circulation to the effect that Napoleon did not like 
his " daughter," and that she was afraid of him or despised 
him as an upstart, rumours which can easily be traced to the 
hatred of the Bonapartes for anybody connected in any way 
with the de Beauharnais party. 

One proof of Eugene's fidelity to the Emperor's cause lies 
in the fact that there was not a soldier in the French and 
Italian armies who did not consider Eugene to be the type 
of fidelity. Eugene's difficulties were increased by troubles 
in Ragusa, as we learn from the following letter written by 
him to General Clarke :^ 

" Verona, November 20th, 1813. 

" Monsieur le due de Feltre — The news received from 
Ragusa dated October 28th confirms the report that Stagno 

talents to saving France. Having been obliged to leave his native land 
during the Restoration, he died in exile at Magdeburg. 

^ Clarke, Henri-Jacques-Guillaume (1765-1818) : of Irish origin, was 
made commander-in-chief of the armee du Rhin, marshal of France and 
head of the War Office. He earned the title of due de Feltre for prevent- 
ing the invasion of the English in Holland in 1809. He went into exile 
with Louis XVin, having deserted the Emperor during the Cent-Jours. 



A MYSTERIOUS INTERVIEW 293 

has been captured by a horde of Croatian deserters under the 
command of several EngUshmen. Cattaro was attacked on 
the 24th by a body of Croatians, Montenegrins and natives 
of Cattaro. General Gauthier repulsed and inflicted severe 
losses upon the enemy ; he also did considerable damage to 
a frigate which was protecting the coast. The English seized 
the old town of Ragusa on the 28th. Stagno will be a great 
loss to Ragusa. . . . All the Croatians who were in the old part 
of the town have deserted as well as their officers. I have 
also been told that two of the richest inhabitants, having left 
Ragusa, are now occupied (seconded by a few Englishmen 
and some pandours) inciting the inhabitants of the neigh- 
bouring villages to revolt. These persons include the vice- 
consul of Naples, Caboga, and Count Bora, who was formerly 
major in the national guards." 

Napoleon still continued to send his step-son numerous 
letters of advice as to his conduct. The very same day the 
viceroy wrote the above letter to General Clarke, he received 
a letter from General Anthouard, who wrote at Napoleon's 
command, telling him to trust to Generals Zucchi, Palombini 
and Fontanelli, and impressing upon him that he must not 
abandon the Adige unless absolutely forced to do so. " It 
would be dishonourable to abandon the Adige without en- 
gaging in a battle ; it would be better to be beaten than to do 
such a thing." The Emperor — ^he who more than anybody 
else needed comfort — exhorts his step-son to trust to the 
future, repeats that he is to defend, not to evacuate, Italy, and 
ends with this encouraging sentence : "I myself have 
800,000 men at my command, and money is not scarce." 

The King of Bavaria, finding that Eugene would not yield 
to persuasion, now thought fit to develop the theme upon 
which he had hitherto hardly dared to touch. 

Eugene was at San Michele, near Verona, when, on 
November 22nd, the Prince von Thurn und Taxis, with 
whom he was already acquainted, begged to be allowed to 
have an interview with him, as he had something very im- 
portant to tell him. The viceroy saw no reason why he 
should not receive the young man, and so he appointed a 
meeting in the porch of the village church. The Prince von 
Thurn und Taxis arrived punctually at the hour fixed by the 
viceroy. A few minutes later Eugene, accompanied by his 
staff, rode up the village street and alighted from his horse. 



294 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

On entering the porch, the Prince von Thurn handed him a 
letter from the King of Bavaria, in which, after flattering his 
son-in-law in every conceivable way, that wily king held out 
a glittering bribe in the shape of the Iron Crown of Italy. 
Now it is more than probable that Eugene had always 
hoped that his adoptive father would eventually reward him 
for his efforts to govern Italy wisely and well by giving him 
that land as his kingdom. But although Eugene evidently 
longed for the crown, he was not going to accept that king- 
dom as a bribe to desert his Emperor. He could accept the 
crown of Italy from the Emperor's hand, but never from the 
hand of the King of Bavaria. 

Eugene, holding the letter still unopened, and perhaps 
guessing from the messenger's obsequious manner what the 
contents were, turned to his staff with an expressive look 
and said : 

" As we are in a free country, and as we have no need to 
hide anything from this gentleman, I should prefer to breathe 
the fresh air." 

The little group left the porch. While Eugene's staff re- 
mained at a respectful distance, the viceroy and the Bavarian 
King's ambassador strolled up and down the quiet country 
road. Having inquired after his father-in-law's health, 
Eugene opened the letter, read it twice from beginning to 
end, then stopped suddenly in the middle of the road and 
looking the prince in the face said in a grave voice : 

" I am sorry to be obliged to refuse the request of the King 
my father-in-law, but what he asks me to do is quite im- 
possible." 

The Prince von Thurn und Taxis would have been but a 
poor diplomatist if he had taken any notice of this assertion ; 
knowing that such offers usually met with a refusal at first, 
he tried to persuade Eugene to accept either the duchy of 
Genoa or the infinitely more valuable crown which he was 
certain the viceroy wanted ; and to obtain his end he re- 
minded him that the children whom he loved so dearly 
would suffer by a refusal. To this potent argument Eugene 
replied : 

" I know not whether my son is destined to wear the Iron 
Crown of Italy some day, but in any case he shall only 
obtain it by fair means," 

Even when the Prince von Thurn und Taxis informed him 



A MYSTERIOUS INTERVIEW 295 

that the Allies had determined to cross the Rhine, terrible 
news to a true patriot, Napoleon's adopted son did not flinch. 

" No one can deny," said he, " that the Emperor's star is 
beginning to pale, but that is only another reason why those 
who have received benefits at his hands should remain faith- 
ful to him." 

He then informed the King of Bavaria's ambassador that 
he should consider it his duty immediately to acquaint the 
Emperor of his father-in-law's proposal. 

It was rather a shock to Eugene when the Prince von 
Thurn und Taxis told him that Joachim Murat had made up 
his mind to go over to the enemy's camp ; however, he con- 
tented himself with remarking : 

" I think you are mistaken ; if, nevertheless, such should 
be the case, I should be the last person to approve of the 
King of Naples' conduct, although our cases are not quite 
the same, for he is King, whereas I am only the Emperor's 
representative." 

On the Prince von Thurn und Taxis asking him if there 
was no way of combining his interests with those of his bene- 
factor, Eugene replied that the only thing which he would 
consent to do would be to conclude an armistice lasting six 
weeks or two months, with the understanding that Dalmatia 
was not to be interfered with during that time. In proposing 
this measure Eugene hoped to gain sufficient time to enable 
him to strengthen his army. The Prince von Thurn assured 
him that this could easily be arranged, and promised to let 
him have a definite reply before another week had elapsed. 

Having ordered the Bavarian King's ambassador to tear up 
his master's letter, Eugene mounted his horse, bade good-bye 
to his visitor and rode off. 

Eugene's first care was to write a detailed account of this 
interview to his step-father. He then wrote to his father-in- 
law ; his reply to the King of Bavaria's letter of bribery is 
just what we might expect from such a man as Eugene has 
hitherto shown himself to be, affectionate but firm, dignified. 

" Sire — I have read Your Majesty's proposals. They are 
doubtless very advantageous, but they are powerless to m.ake 
me alter my determination. I must have expressed myself 
very badly when I last had the honour of seeing Your 
Majesty if you can think me capable for one instant of selling 



296 eug£ne de beauharnais 

my honour at any price whatever. Neither the prospect of 
obtaining the duchy of Genoa nor the kingdom of Italy can 
make me turn traitor. I feel no temptation to follow the 
example of the King of Naples. I prefer to become a common 
soldier rather than be known as a prince who had betrayed 
his benefactor. 

" The Emperor, you say, has ill-treated me. If that is so, 
I have forgotten it ; I only remember his many acts of kind- 
ness towards me. All I am, all I have I owe to him ; my rank, 
my titles, my fortune, and, what is more, what you are 
pleased to call my fame. So I am determined to serve him as 
long as I live. My heart and my strong arm belong to him. 
May my sword break in my hand before I draw it against my 
Emperor or against my country. I flatter myself that, as my 
refusal is prompted by honour, you will at least accord me 
your esteem. I remain, etc." 

On the morrow he writes to tell his wife of the extra- 
ordinary proposition made by her father through the Prince 
von Thurn und Taxis. He says : " I replied as I know you 
yourself would have replied." He begs her to say nothing 
about the incident. The King of Bavaria was at the theatre 
when Eugene's reply and refusal was handed to him. 
Stephanie of Baden, Eugene's cousin, who had already told 
the King that she was sure that the viceroy would have 
nothing to do with his scheme, was with him at the time. 
But Maximilian had refused to listen to her, remarking that 
" the Iron Crown of Italy was a tempting morsel." So when 
she saw the King of Bavaria's face cloud on reading her 
cousin's letter, she said with a smile of triumph : 

" Well ! what does he say ? " 

" You were right. . . . Eugene refuses. ... I told them so." 

" I was sure he would do so, and I told you what would 
happen. I know him too well not to be sure that he would 
never consent." 

Knowing how grateful the news of her husband's fidelity 
would be to his mother, Augusta wrote to the ex-Empress 
Josephine a letter, in which she poured out all her affection 
for him, and said how proud she was to have such a husband, 
an expression which her father repeated to her when he 
wrote from Carlsruhe, saying that " Eugene had done per- 
fectly right," and that " there are not two men in the world 
like him." 



CHAPTER XII 

Joachim Murat shows his hand — Augusta pays her husband a flying visit 
— France is invaded — ^The Emperor at bay — Murat signs a treaty with 
Austria but hesitates to declare war against France — More attempts 
are made to bribe Eugene — Augusta's painful position — Eugene begs 
the Emperor to let him know his intentions concerning Italy — He 
issues another proclamation — He endeavours to influence Murat — 
The Battle of the Mincio — Napoleon sends the viceroy his instructions 
— Josephine and Hortense urge Eugene to keep faithful — Napoleon 
wins his last victories — Eugene writes to Marshal Bellegarde, begging 
him to protect Augusta — Napoleon's anger on hearing of Eugene's 
letter and the marshal's reply — -Fouche pays Eugene another visit — 
Eugene's last victory — Murat writes to Napoleon. 

NAPOLEON'S life about this time was full of very 
bitter experiences. The family which he, like a true 
Italian, had loved so much, for which he had worked so 
hard, and which, perhaps, were the cause of his undoing, 
were preparing to turn against him. It was a cruel blow to 
the Emperor when Murat, backed by his wife Caroline, 
Napoleon's own sister, la Carolina, began to behave in a 
most unseemly manner, and complicated matters by 
threatening to carry out his oft-repeated promise of joining 
the confederate sovereigns. Towards the end of November 
Eugene received news that two Neapolitan corps were moving 
north, one towards Rome, the other towards Ancona. 

This and other disagreeable news probably induced 
Napoleon to utter the words reproduced by Eugene in a letter 
to his wife, November 26th, 1813 : " I hasten to send you 
some news which I have just received from Paris. The 
Emperor is reported to have said : ' / am at last going to make 
peace ; I must abandon the continental system ; I will even 
go so far as to relinquish the Venetian States to Austria ; but 
Italy must receive Piedmont in exchange, and France must 
keep her natural boundaries : the Rhine, the Alps and the 
Pyrenees.' ..." 

But the time was soon coming when Napoleon would cease 
to dictate his wishes to Europe, when he would have to take 
what Europe would consent to give him. 

297 



298 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

During the Battle of Legnago, which was fought on 
November 28th, Eugene was sHghtly wounded in the right 
thigh by a bullet ; nevertheless, he refused to return to camp, 
but remained in the saddle until the battle, which lasted 
several hours, was over. 

On the morrow he wrote to inform his sister of the King of 
Bavaria's proposal, of his wife's noble letter of protestations 
of affection and fidelity to the Emperor, and of her deter- 
mination not to correspond with her family until affairs were 
more settled. 

The first week of December brought disaster upon disaster 
to the unfortunate viceroy. The towns of Zara, Cattaro and 
Ragusa, after being blockaded and bombarded, gave in one 
after the other to the enemy. Although Eugene's troops won 
several small victories at Rovigo, Boara, Edolo, Castagnaro 
and Forli, these victories were powerless to compensate for 
Murat's defection and perfidious behaviour in sending troops 
to complicate matters still more for the armee d'ltalie. 

About the middle of this same month (December) Augusta 
paid her husband a flying visit. She travelled alone on this 
occasion, for, as we learn from one of Eugene's letters, if she 
had brought one of her children without bringing the others, 
the little flock would have been broken-hearted. However, 
she could not bring all, for, supposing she had been obliged to 
fly at a moment's notice, the presence of four tiny children 
would have added to their parents' anxiety and complicated 
matters. We can be sure that the little four-year-old Augusta 
was terribly disappointed at not being taken to see his papa, 
for somebody had just made him a little uniform which he 
wanted to show his dear father. Eugene says in one of his 
letters : " Embrace our children for me. Auguste must look 
as pretty as a picture in his volunteer's coat." 

Things were looking so serious in Naples that Eugene now 
considered it his duty to inform his adoptive father of what 
was going on there : 

" Verona, December 20th, 1813. 
" I presume. Sire, that your Ministers keep you informed 
of everything which is now happening. The King of Naples 
is seen walking out alone or else driving in an open carriage 
with General Lecchi, who only a short time ago was rowing in 
a galley. The latter has told the King that he only has to 



AUGUSTA'S FEARS 299 

show himself in Italy for everybody to follow him. The King 
delights in repeating — and he has even informed my aide-de- 
camp — that you have no idea all the harm he, as king, might 
do to Your Majesty in Italy. He asked my aide-de-camp 
what I should do under the circumstances. On hearing that 
nothing would induce me to abandon Your Majesty, the King 
grumbled and said that I was over-submissive, and that he 
himself was only tolerated by his subjects because they were 
sure that ' he would defend them from the Emperor.' In 
short. Sire, two English cartel-ships are now at anchor 
under the walls of the King's palace. The Austrian Minister 
landed a few days ago in one of the ports of the Adriatic, 
and immediately sent a messenger to the King. A storm is 
brewing for us in Southern Italy. At any other time we 
should have no cause to fear the King of Naples' follies ; 
but now, with the enemy's army encamped in our midst, any 
chance of peace being concluded would be gladly welcomed 
by the nation, for nobody doubts the fact that the King has 
signed a treaty with the allied sovereigns. As for me, I am 
now quite convinced that his intentions are more than 
ambiguous, and that our enemies, having failed to influence 
me, are now trying to bribe the King of Naples. . . ." 

Augusta had been lately somewhat alarmed by the report 
that large bodies of Austrian troops had been seen in 
Switzerland. In his New Year's letter Eugene seeks to re- 
assure her by telling her that these troops are all going to- 
wards France, and that the almost impassable state of the 
Alpine passes at that time of the year will prevent them 
attacking Italy, that he has lately heard from Paris that the 
Emperor has said that Italy was the only country which had 
remained faithful to him, and that he himself hopes, from 
the Emperor's attitude, that peace will soon be concluded. 
He recommends his wife to write a few lines of New Year 
wishes to her father and her family, avoiding any allusion 
to either home or foreign politics. 

The year 1814 saw France invaded on all sides. The 
Emperor scarcely dared to hope for better things for himself 
and his unhappy country, but on January ist he found 
courage to thank Eugene for his good wishes. 



300 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

"Paris, January ist, 1814. 

" My Son — It has given me great pleasure to receive the 
proofs of your devotion to me. I thank you for the good 
wishes contained in your letter, and I hope that the New 
Year will be as productive of glory to yourself as of happiness 
to the vice-reine and your children." 

History tells us that Napoleon had not allowed France to 
be invaded without offering resistance. Wonderful to relate, 
another huge army of 300,000 men, notwithstanding the fear- 
ful drain upon the youth of France during the last few years, 
answered the Emperor's call to defend the fatherland, now in 
danger indeed. Those who had seen the crossing of the 
Beresina brushed the evil dream away with one hand, while 
with the other they grasped their trusty sword and swore to 
chase the trio of enemies back into their respective terri- 
tories. Those who had been orphaned in Russia or Poland or 
Austria dried the old mother's tears, and spoke of that other 
mother who was now calling to her children to defend her as 
the dead father had done. For Napoleon was now fighting 
not against one foe, but against the whole of Europe ; first 
against his " friend " Alexander of Russia, secondly against 
his father-in-law, Francis I of Austria, and thirdly against 
Frederick William III of Prussia ; while Maximilian-Joseph, 
King of Bavaria, Murat, King of Naples, George III, King of 
England, Ferdinand, King of Spain, with two or three de- 
throned sovereigns stood watching the game in the back- 
ground, ready to fly to the rescue of the three first, should 
the Grand Army win the day. We can only account for the 
fact that 300,000 troops responded to Napoleon's call to 
his treatment of his fellow-men. The French soldiers' love 
for their Emperor, immortalized by Heine and Schumann 
in Die heiden Grenadiere, had become a sort of religion. 
A typical anecdote, as related by several of Napoleon's 
biographers, tells us that one day when the Emperor, wearing 
his beloved redingote grise, was walking ahead of his staff up 
a steep mountain path, he overtook an old peasant woman 
hobbling uphill as fast as her many years and many in- 
firmities would permit her. 

" Whither away so fast, mother ? " cried the Emperor. 

"I'm going to see the Emperor ride over the top of the 



A TREATY WITH AUSTRIA 301 

pass," wheezed the old dame, much too hurried to waste her 
time by looking up to see who was addressing her. 

" And why, pray, do you want to see the Emperor ? 
Emperors are only tyrants ; they care nothing for poor folk 
like you and me." 

" Aye ! other emperors belong to the nobles, whereas our 
Emperor is the people's Emperor ! " 

And it was this wonderful man who was now being forced 
to conclude a peace. But before that peace could be con- 
cluded much water was to flow beneath the many bridges 
which span the tranquil bosom of the Seine. 

Eugene's letters to his wife dated January 5th, loth and 
12th tell her that she need not dread an invasion of Russian 
and German troops in Italy ; nevertheless he speaks of 
Mantua as being a suitable city of refuge should the Austrian 
and Neapolitan troops advance much farther. In his letter of 
January 12th he tells Augusta the news that Caulaincourt 
has gone to parley with the allied sovereigns. We find a 
charming love letter written by Eugene on January 14th, the 
eighth anniversary of their wedding day : 

" I need but remember this date, my dear Augusta, to 
realize that Providence guided my steps through life. What 
happiness, what bliss I owe to that 14th of January which 
united my fate to that of the most beautiful, the most 
virtuous of women ! I refrain from repeating this fact lest I 
should make you blush ; but I realize it more each day, and 
I would gladly love you more so that I might love you as you 
deserve to be loved. Adieu, my good friend. May we both 
live to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of our marriage ! 
And may God refrain from summoning one away without 
the other ! " 

On January nth Murat made his first move by signing a 
treaty with Austria, and so cut himself off for ever from 
Napoleon's affection. Before a week had elapsed General 
MioUis, who was but poorly provided with troops in Rome, 
beheld the Holy City invaded by 5000 Neapolitan troops. 
He was forced to retreat to the castle of Sant' Angelo, where 
he and his soldiers hid themselves, half-starved and trem- 
bling for what would happen next. General Lasalcette at 
Civita-Vecchia was more fortunate. Having been warned in 
time that he might expect to share General Miollis' fate, he 



302 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

gathered together as many supplies as he could, shut the 
gates of the town, and waited until he could leave in 
safety. 

For the first time in his career Napoleon found that he 
could not dictate his wishes to his audience ; the allied 
sovereigns were determined to dictate their wishes to their 
late master. Napoleon writes to his step-son : 

" Paris, January lyth, 1814. 
" My Son — You will have learnt of all my efforts to make 
peace from the different reports which have appeared in the 
newspapers. I have lately sent my Foreign Minister to the 
outposts of the allied armies. The sovereigns, however, re- 
fused to see him, and they continue to advance ! The due 
d'Otrante^ will have informed you that the King of Naples 
has gone over to our enemies. It seems to me that, as soon 
as you receive an official announcement, you ought to cross 
the Alps with the whole of your army. If you are obliged to 
take this step, you must leave the Italians to protect 
Mantua and other strongholds, and you must take care to 
remove the silver, the treasury, and all valuable objects 
belonging to my household." 

Let my readers remark that Napoleon uses the expression : 
an official announcement, for Eugene's honour depended upon 
obeying his step-father's commands to the letter. 

On the same day Eugene wrote to tell his wife that the old 
bribe of the Iron Crown of Italy had again been dangled 
before his eyes. He also informed her that Austria had re- 
fused to conclude an armistice with him, except on the con- 
ditions mentioned to him by the Prince von Thurn und Taxis 
during the interview at San Michele. Eugene ends his letter 
thus : 

" In what times we live ! and how the glory of a throne is 
degraded when those who wish to reign must be cowardly, 
ungrateful, deceitful ! No, I shall never be a king ! " 

Augusta's fate was not an enviable one during the winter 
of 1813-14 ; her anxiety was doubled by the fact that she 
was expecting to be confined in the spring. Whither could 
she go for safety ? Wounded pride prevented her asking her 
father to give her shelter. France, invaded on all sides, was 

1 Fouch6. 



MURAT HESITATES TO DECLARE WAR 303 

out of the question. And then she was determined to remain 
near her husband, whose letters still contained repeated 
assurances that he would warn her in good time if she had 
to fly. To reassure her, he tells her that the Austrians will 
not be able to cut off communications with Alexandria, for 
he shall be there to prevent them ; that people in Paris declare 
that a peace is about to be concluded, but that he himself will 
not be at all surprised if a great battle is fought in France. 
He alludes to Murat's behaviour : " As for the King of 
Naples, people say that he has refused to fight against 
France. He will probably content himself with seizing some 
French territory." In another letter he cannot restrain his 
indignation : " Those cursed Neapolitans ! did you ever 
hear of such perfidy ? They will not declare war, and yet 
they continue to advance. . . . Never mind ; I promise you 
that I will be even with them ! " 

Murat's hesitation in declaring war was doubtless due to 
his desire to see how matters went with his once powerful 
brother-in-law, who evidently intended to " die game." 

But Eugene's position in Italy was becoming more and 
more difficult ; so well did he realize the fact that on January 
29th he wrote to the Emperor begging him to let him know 
his wishes as soon as possible. 

On February ist Eugene issued a lengthy proclamation to 
his French and Italian troops, in which he informed them of 
the King of Naples' defection, besought his men to rally 
round him, " their sovereign's son," assured them that he 
should never cease to love and care for them, and concluded 
with the famous sentence : " Italians ! in the annals of 
foreign nations they alone are immortal who know how to 
live and die faithful to their vows and to their duty, faithful 
to gratitude and honour." 

Eugene determined, as a last resource, to try and bring 
the Emperor's brother-in-law to a sense of his honour. 
Having received a very ambiguous epistle from that gentle- 
man, the viceroy replied as follows : 

" Mantua, February 4th, 1814. 

" I see by Your Majesty's letter and by the postscript 
added in your own handwriting, how painful you find your 
present position. These struggles with your conscience do 



304 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

not surprise me ; but I must confess that I was touched as I 
read of them. It is impossible, in short, that Your Majesty 
can endure unconcerned the thought of seeing Frenchmen at 
war with other Frenchmen who have ever been proud to call 
them brethren ! May Your Majesty listen to the voice of 
your heart ; may you resist temptation which would only 
bring bitter regret in its train. Wait a little longer before 
doing anything desperate. The Emperor has left Paris. In 
a few days the time of danger, or at least of uncertainty, will 
be over, and then Your Majesty will find a way to act with 
satisfaction to your heart and your conscience." 

This appeal fell upon stony ground. So well, however, did 
the French and Italian troops reply to Eugene's appeal to 
their patriotism that on February 8th, this nineteenth- 
century Bayard was able to add another branch to his sheaf 
of laurels. 

The battle fought on the banks of the Mincio beloved of 
Virgil, the scene of General Brune's^ victory in 1800, was 
not an easy victory, for Eugene began the day under un- 
favourable conditions, having made a miscalculation as to 
the enemy's movements. On this occasion Eugene's troops 
had to attack much sooner than they had expected, for they 
found that the enemy, instead of being still between Rover- 
bella and Villafranca, had already crossed the Mincio. 
Although General Verdier did not second Eugene as he ought 
to have done, the Italian troops fought so bravely that they 
were able to drive the enemy back towards the heights of 
Valeggio, when night forced Eugene to return to his camp out- 
side Goito. The Battle of the Mincio, fought February 8th, 
stopped, for a time, the invasion of Italy by the Austrian 
troops, and prevented the junction of Austria's army with 
the Neapolitan troops. 

While the battle was being fought Napoleon was at Nogent 
watching the tidal-wave of ill-luck invading the fair land of 
France. The sanguinary battle outside Brienne, where the 
young Napoleon had conned the alphabet of waging war, had 

^ Brune, Guillaume-Marie-Anne (1763—1815) : the friend of Danton. 
He entered the army, fought bravely at Arcole and RivoU, won a victory 
over the Anglo- Russian troops at Bergen, was sent to pacify La Vendee, 
won the Battle of the Mincio in Italy, was made marshal, and ambassador 
at Constantinople. Having incurred the Emperor's displeasure, he left 
the army until the Cent-Jours, when he took command of the armie du 
Var. He was murdered by Royahsts after the Battle of Waterloo. 



ITALY LOST 305 

been fought only a few days ago, when 12,000 troops of that 

thh-d Grand Army had been taken prisoner. It must have 

been with a heavy heart that the Emperor wrote from Nogent 

another letter of instructions to the due de Feltre,^ at that 

time Minister of War : ,< -vt t- 7 0,7 o 

Nogent, February 8th, 1814, 

" Monsieur le due de Feltre — I have given orders to the 
viceroy to retreat towards the Alps as soon as the King of 
Naples declares war. Repeat this command to him by tele- 
graph, by estafette, and in triplicate by an aide-de-camp. You 
will tell him that he must leave none but Italian troops 
in the Italian strongholds, and that he must bring every 
French soldier back to France, either through Turin and 
Lyons, either by Fenestrelle or by the Mont Cenis. On enter- 
ing Savoy he will be met by all our troops now in Lyons. 
Write also to the grand-duchess ^ and to General Miollis, and 
inform them that the grand-duchy of Tuscany and the city 
of Rome will no longer be tenable as soon as the King of 
Naples declares war. Therefore the viceroy must give up all 
strongholds to the King of Naples, at the same time stipu- 
lating that all French troops and officials be allowed to 
retreat towards the Alps, the Mont Cenis and Briangon with 
their arms and artillery. Send the due d'Otrante,^ if he is still 
in Tuscany, orders to go and interview the King of Naples, 
in order to arrange the matter. The French troops and 
officials will move in the same direction. Be sure to make it 
quite clear that, under no excuse whatever, are any French 
troops to remain in any Italian stronghold, and that they are 
all to return to France by Chambery, Lyons or Grenoble." 

On February 9th the due de Feltre executed the Emperor's 
orders and sent the despatch in question. 

It must have cost Napoleon something to relinquish Italy, 
the scene of his first successes ; but he had not given up all 
hope of recovering that valuable territory, for he said to 
General Anthouard, whom he had summoned to his side : 
" I am relinquishing Italy, but if I am vanquished I shall have 
to relinquish something more important than Italy. However, 
if I beat the allied sovereigns, Italy will soon return to me." 

1 General Clarke. 

" Napoleon made his sister Elisa Bacciochi grand-duchess of Tuscany 
in 1809. This territory became the property of Austria in 1814. 
* Fouch6. 
U 



3o6 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

One would think that after all the proofs Eugene had 
given to the Emperor of his fidelity, the latter would have 
had no doubts as to his step-son's conduct in the future. And 
yet we learn from the following letter from Josephine to her 
son that such was not the case : 

" La Malmaison, February gth, 1814. 

" Do not lose a minute, my dear Eugene ; no matter what 
obstacles you may encounter, be doubly careful to obey the 
orders which the Emperor has sent you. He has just written 
to me on the subject. He wishes you to retreat towards the 
i\lps, leaving only Italian troops in Milan and in the different 
strongholds of Italy ; his letter concludes with these words : 
* France before everything ! France has need of all her 
children ! ' 

" So hasten, my son. Never will you be able to serve the 
Emperor better than now. I beg you to realize that every 
minute is precious. I know that your wife is about to leave 
Milan. Can I be of use to her ? Adieu, my dear Eugene. I 
only have time to embrace you, and to repeat to you my 
prayers to come at once." 

At the Emperor's request, Hortense also wrote to her 
brother : 

" I send you the Emperor's letter to the Empress, and our 
mother's reply. I cannot make head or tail of the matter. . . . 
However, peace must be going to be concluded, for every- 
body says so. Nevertheless, that will not prevent us being 
taken prisoner in Paris. A few days will decide the matter. 
One thing which proves that the Emperor does not expect 
you to return to France is that he says in his letter that he 
commands you only to leave Italy when the King of Naples 
has declared war against him ; and I wager that he never 
thought that this war would come about, although he must 
have expected it for many a long day. ... It is true that 
nothing is more painful than to see those we love very dearly 
in the wrong. Your proclamations are wonderful, and you 
need never envy your powerful neighbour. You will soon 
find yourself in a very embarrassing position. ... Do what 
you think best. I am sure that you will always serve the 
Emperor to the best of your ability, and that he will never 
doubt your fidelity. As this is the only reward you can hope 
to obtain, it would be a thousand pities not to win it." 



NAPOLEON'S INSTRUCTIONS 307 

Josephine had no illusions as to Italy's fate, for she said to 
her daughter : " I am convinced that the Emperor will re- 
linquish Italy ; but, no matter what happens, our dear 
Eugene will have won a reputation for honesty, honour and 
gratitude, and that is better than anything." 
We will now quote from Marmont's Memoirs : 
" The Emperor, whose army had been strengthened by the 
division of young guards headed by the due de Trevise,^ beat 
Sacken^ at Montmirail.^. , , The very evening of the Battle 
of Montmirail, the comte de Tascher, the viceroy's aide-de- 
camp, arrived from Italy, in order to inform the Emperor 
that Eugene had beaten the Austrians on the Mincio. When 
Tascher was announced. Napoleon said : ' He has doubtless 
come to tell me that Eugene has begun to move.' This speech 
of Napoleon's proves that he had not given Eugene any 
counter-orders, as the latter's friends declare Napoleon did 
after the engagements at Montmirail and Vauchamps, that is 
to say about February 15th ; but this wellnigh ridiculous 
reason by no means excuses him. Everybody acknowledges 
that Eugene received orders to return to France in the 
beginning of January. But who authorized him, not only to 
postpone the execution of those orders, but even his pre- 
parations ? When did Napoleon require his services ? As 
soon as possible ; that is to say, at a time when he was fight- 
ing with the remnant of his army against fearful odds, when 
he was standing on the brink of the precipice, when he was 
obliged to sacrifice everything in order to save himself. The 
struggle could not have lasted much longer. If Eugene was 
to be any help to him, he ought to have come at once. We 
cannot imagine how else he could have been of use. Well, 
from January ist until February 25th, between which two 
dates the pretended counter-order is supposed to have 

1 Mortier, Joseph (1768-1835): fought bravely in the wars of the 
Republic and the Empire, and was made due de Trevise after the Battle 
of Friedland (1807). He was Minister of War when he was killed, while 
sitting by the side of Louis-PhiUppe, by the explosion of Fieschi's infernal 
machine. 

^ Sacken, Prince Fabian von der Osten (i 752-1 837) : a Russian field- 
marshal, first fought against the Turks and the Poles ; was sent to fight 
Massena in Switzerland, but was beaten and taken prisoner at the Battle 
of Zurich. Having regained his liberty he returned to his own country 
for a time, and then again fought against Turkey. He was beaten by 
Napoleon at the above-mentioned battle at Montmirail. As Governor of 
Paris in this same year (18 14) he made himself popular by his moderation 
and justice. ^ February nth, 1814. 



3o8 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

reached him, did he make any preparations to return to 
France ? And yet, if he wished to be successful, he would 
have had to make many preparations. Did he blow up the 
fortresses which he had been ordered to evacuate ? Did he 
so much as mine one bastion ? No ; Eugene disobeyed ; he, 
more than anyone else, helped to bring about the catastrophe. 
Nothing can excuse his conduct. ..." 

We notice one or two errors in the above page of the 
memoirs of the man who, some say, was the cause of 
Napoleon's abdication. First of all, it was during this very 
same interview that Napoleon told the comte de Tascher to 
impress upon Eugene that he was to keep Italy as long as 
possible. " Tell him," Napoleon said, " that he is to defend 
himself, and to take no notice of the movements of the 
Neapolitan army, which is composed of undisciplined troops 
under the command of the King of Naples, who is crazy, and 
ungrateful into the bargain. Supposing he is obliged to 
abandon any territory, he must be careful only to leave in 
those strongholds which he is positively forced to relinquish, 
just sufhcient Italian troops to hold the place, only to retreat 
inch by inch, defending himself all the time ; and finally, if 
he is pressed too hard, he must do his best to make a stand 
and give battle under the walls of Milan. If he is vanquished, 
he must cross the Alps as best he can ; he must not give up 
any territory until he is positively obliged to do so. Tell 
Eugene that I am pleased with him, that he is to inform the 
Italian army how delighted I am with its behaviour, and 
that he is to order a salute to be fired to celebrate the 
victories of Champaubert and Montmirail." 

Marmont likewise asserts that Eugene had made no pre- 
parations for departure. The following letter settles that 
question ; it is written by Eugene to the due de Feltre : 

" VoLTA, February i6th, 1814, 5 a.m. 

" Monsieur le d^tc — I have just received your despatch of 
the 9th inst., in which you inform me of the Emperor's in- 
structions concerning the army ; viz. that I am to leave Italy 
as soon as the King of Naples declares war against France. 
These instructions confirm those which the Emperor sent me 
a fortnight ago. I will be careful to obey his commands. 

" Hitherto the Neapolitans have not been able to declare 



LETTER TO THE EMPEROR 309 

war, although the King has concluded a treaty with the 
enemy, because they are still waiting for that treaty to be 
ratified. I shall take care to be warned in time. 

" So my retreat, which is conditional, will be effected as 
slowly as possible, unless the presence in France of my army 
is considered necessary, and you send me positive orders to 
come. . . ." 

The letters of good advice written to Eugene by his 
mother and sister told the viceroy that his enemies had been 
trying to do him another bad turn. Thinking that a letter of 
explanation would not come amiss, he wrote to his step- 
father : 

" Sire — From a letter which I have lately received from 
the Empress Josephine, I gather that Your Majesty blames 
me for not having displayed sufficient diligence in executing 
the commands contained in your letter in cipher, and which 
the due de Feltre repeated to me on the 9th inst. 

" Your Majesty seems to think that inducements other 
than my devotion to your person and my love for my 
country are required to make me return to France at the 
present moment. 

" I beg Your Majesty's pardon, but I must tell you that I 
neither deserve your reproaches nor your mistrust of the 
sentiments which will ever govern my conduct. 

" Your Majesty sent me express commands that in the 
event of the King of Naples declaring war against France, I 
was to cross the Alps. As these commands were conditional, 
I should have done wrong had I executed them without 
waiting for the condition to be accomplished. However, by 
making a retrograde movement, and by drawing up my 
army in echelons outside Piacenza, I am now in a position to 
execute the retreat which Your Majesty ordered me to 
execute as soon as the King of Naples, having made up his 
mind, finally declares war against us. His troops hitherto 
have been guilty of no acts of hostility against those of Your 
Majesty. The King has always refused to take an active part 
in the matter with Austria. He informed me only two days 
ago that he had no intention of offending Your Majesty, and 
at the same time he gave me to understand that it would 
only require some little stroke of good luck to induce him to 



3IO EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

declare himself for the flag under which he has fought hither- 
to. So Your Majesty can see that I could not possibly carry 
out your conditional commands. But supposing I had in- 
terpreted your orders otherwise, and had withdrawn my 
army on receiving those orders, what would have happened ? 

" My army numbers 36,000 troops, of whom 24,000 are 
Italian, and 12,000 French. But of these 24,000 Italian troops 
more than half are natives of Genoa, Tuscany, Piedmont and 
the Papal States, and not one of them would have consented 
to cross the Alps. The troops belonging to the departments 
of Leman and Mont Blanc, who have already begun to 
desert, would have soon followed the example of the Italians, 
and I should have found myself at Fenestrelle or on the 
Mont Cenis Pass (for I should have started as soon as I 
had received your commands) with scarcely 1000 troops 
pursued by 70,000 Austrian and Neapolitan troops, 
which two armies, freed from the presence of the French 
army, which has served more as a protection to them than 
as a drag upon their movements, would have been forced to 
attack us. It is also quite certain that by evacuating Italy 
completely we should have sent a vast number of your 
subjects over to the enemy. 

" I am therefore convinced that the retrograde movement 
prescribed by Your Majesty would have been fatal to your 
army, and that it is a very good thing that I have not been 
able to act so far. 

" But if Your Majesty really wished me to return to France 
with what I had been able to keep of your army as soon as 
possible, why did you not deign to order me to do so ? You 
must know that your slightest wish is as law to me, and Your 
Majesty has taught me that we soldiers are forbidden to 
question your intentions, and that we must content our- 
selves with executing your commands. 

" Be this as it may, it is impossible that such doubts should 
assail Your Majesty's mind. Such complete devotion as mine 
must have excited jealousy. May it never alter Your 
Majesty's affection for me, for that affection will ever be my 
most precious reward ! The ambition of my life will be to 
show that I deserved it, and I shall never cease to make it my 
pride to show you my attachment and serve you." 

Although Napoleon's successes at Champaubert, Mont- 



SAFEGUARDING HIS WIFE 311 

mirail, Chateau Thierry and Vauchamps had put new 
courage into the viceroy's heart, he, on beholding Italy in- 
vaded on all sides, shrunk from being separated from his 
beloved wife during the coming spring, when another helpless 
little being would be opening its eyes for the first time, and so 
many important questions, both in Italy and in France, 
would have to be decided. In his desire to find a place of 
safety to which his wife could retire if necessary, he com- 
mitted an act which was misinterpreted at that time, and 
blamed as an act of infidelity to Napoleon's cause. He wrote 
to Marshal Bellegarde,i the commander-in-chief of the 
Austrian army, begging him to see that his wife was not 
molested in any way, supposing she were taken ill while still 
at Monza and thus unable to join her husband. Esteem for 
the Princess, or a desire not to offend her father, brought 
forth a very civil reply from Marshal Bellegarde, in which he 
said that she might stay wherever she liked, provided that 
she did not choose Milan, promised to take the greatest care 
of her and her little ones, and added that, after her recovery, 
she would be free to join her husband wherever he might 
happen to be. 

The Emperor of Austria, having heard of Eugene's request, 
also wrote to Augusta from Troyes, where he was about to 
begin his humiliation of the Emperor of France : 

" Troyes, February 18th, 1814. 
" Madame ma cowsm^— Marshal Bellegarde having in- 
formed me of Your Imperial Highness's determination to fix 
your residence for the present at the palace of Monza, I beg 
you to be assured that this general did quite right in en- 
deavouring to please Your Imperial Highness. I have just 
sent word that a guard of honour is to attend you, so you will 
be perfectly free to go wherever you like ; and I can only 
regret the reasons which force you, Madame, to adopt an 
attitude which would flatter me under any other circum- 
stances. I beg you, Madame ma cousine, to believe me ever 
your affectionate and respectful cousin, » Francis." 

1 Bellegarde. Ueinrich, Graf von (1755-1831) : a general in the Austrian 
army, served under the archduke Karl ; he was unsuccessful against 
Napoleon on many occasions. In 1806 he was made field-marshal ; and 
from 1814 until 1815 he governed Austria's possessions in Italy. 



312 eug£ne de beauharnais 

Napoleon soon heard of the correspondence between Belle- 
garde and Eugene. It caused a burst of anger from the 
much-tried Emperor, who considered himself still able to 
protect his daughter, and told Eugene that he had not only 
humiliated himself, but, what was more important, the 
Emperor too, by stooping to parley with his enemies. How 
dare the Emperor of Austria say he would protect Augusta ? 
Forgetful of the fact that he was not dealing with a body of 
soldiers, but with a woman who had been in a delicate state 
of health for some months owing to anxiety for her husband's 
safety, Napoleon wrote off a stern letter to his adopted son, 
who was then at Volta, commanding him to send Augusta to 
Paris without more ado. Augusta gives vent to her out- 
raged feelings in the following letter to Hortense : 

" February igth, 1814. 

"... In the midst of all my troubles and anxieties, at least 
I had the consolation of thinking that the Emperor was con- 
tent with Eugene's behaviour ; but now even this consolation 
has been taken from me, for Eugene has told me that he 
hears from Paris that he has been cruelly blamed. I must 
confess that I did not expect this last blow ; and I am in- 
dignant, my dear sister, to see that, although Eugene's con- 
duct has always been beyond reproach, calumny is believed. 
I dare to assert that nobody has served the Emperor more 
faithfully and with such perfect disinterestedness ; he has 
never trod in any path but the path of virtue and honour. 

' ' And what has been his reward ? You know the sorrow 
which he has had to endure. He has never allowed himself to 
utter a word of complaint, and he has never ceased to sacri- 
fice himself to the Emperor's interests. He endangers his life 
every day at the risk of leaving his wife and children defence- 
less. And yet, had he uttered but one word, he would have 
obtained a kingdom. But a crown is worthless in my eyes if 
it has to be bought with infamy and treachery. I love to 
think that the Emperor does not really wish to grieve us, and 
that he has been deceived by false rumours. It is sad to think 
that one has enemies, even when one has done no harm to 
anybody. As for me, my sister, I am disgusted with the 
whole affair. My health is affected. I cannot sleep. Can 
anjrthing be more painful to me than to see Eugene, he whom 



A LOSING GAME 313 

I love more than my life, unhappy ? ... If I knew of a peaceful 
corner in the world, I would go and bury myself there with 
my poor children. Posterity will do justice to us, and God 
will compensate us in another world for all we have suffered 
in this. I had hoped to retire to Monza, if Eugene had been 
obliged to leave Italy, for the doctors told me that it would 
be very dangerous for me to travel just now. But as this step 
might be misinterpreted, I am going to write to Eugene to 
ask him to let me follow him. May God's will be done ! . . . 
Do not be surprised if I succumb under my burden of grief. 
I should have liked to have written to the Emperor, but I do 
not know if Eugene would have approved. Adieu, my dear 
sister. Our trials are manifold, but our consciences are clear. 
I embrace you tenderly." 

In her letter to her husband Augusta writes she is no longer 
surprised that the Emperor's friends abandon him. She says: 

" Can anybody be more ungrateful than this man has been ? 
After all you have done for him, your wonderful feats of 
valour, only to receive blame as your reward .^ ... If I fall into 
the enemy's clutches they cannot treat me more cruelly than 
the Emperor, who has f lunged a dagger into my heart." After 
telling him that she is going to send her children away and 
share his fate, she concludes : "If I could go with you to 
America, I would gladly do so, for I am really disgusted with 
worldly grandeur. . . . Adieu, my beloved husband. When 
shall we be at the end of our troubles ? If they continue 
much longer, my health will be ruined. I can write no more. 
I must go and lie down. ..." 

It became more than ever evident that Eugene was playing 
a losing game in Italy. As we have seen from his letters to 
the Emperor, desertion was rife among his troops. He now 
learnt that Ancona had given in to the enemy on February 
15th ; four days later Leghorn opened her gates to English 
troops. He himself saw that he was fighting for the sake of 
honour, and that the end was only a question of time. 
Terrified at the prospect of his dear ones finding themselves 
homeless in the near future, he hinted to Augusta that he was 
counting upon her father to shelter them should he find that 
France, the natural shelter, was closed to the Emperor's 
faithful servitor. Did he foresee that his master would soon 



314 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

be homeless ? The King of Bavaria was equally concerned 
for the safety of his daughter, and the son-in-law whom he 
had learnt to love as he deserved to be loved. 

Strange to say, the King of Naples still hesitated to declare 
war against Napoleon, although his conduct in invading the 
viceroy's territory was tantamount to a declaration of war. 
The officers whom Eugene sent to interview Murat all 
assured him that they did not think that the king would do 
so unless he was forced to do so by Austria. Now the latter's 
recent failure on the Mincio seemed to have checked her 
ardour somewhat. And then Napoleon's victories at Briey 
and Montereau acted as another check upon the hot-headed 
King of Naples, who now limited his peregrinations to the 
vicinity of the Po. 

It is strange to think how blind even the greatest of men 
are towards the merits of their servitors. Fouche, of whom it 
was said that he did a little good and a great deal of evil, 
whose treachery was even too much for the Bourbons, tells 
us how he fulfilled a mission to Italy which Napoleon en- 
trusted to him soon after the Battle of Montereau : 

" The viceroy Eugene was soon nothing more in the eyes of 
the Lombards than the obedient executor of all his (Na- 
poleon's) works. Latterly Eugene seemed to fear becoming 
popular, lest he should excite jealousy. Eugene, although a 
brave soldier and of approved loyalty, was parsimonious, 
rather light, too docile to the advice of those who flattered 
his taste, but little acquainted with the character of the 
people whom he governed, and placing too much confidence 
in a few ambitious Frenchmen. He needed an equal degree of 
political knowledge to that which he possessed of military 
affairs. During these latter days of difficulty, this prince 
completed the people's discontent by conscriptions and 
forced requisitions ; in short, the viceroy yielded too much 
both to the example and the impulse of the sovereign ruler. 
His position became the more difficult as he had soon against 
him both the partisans of Italian independence and those of 
the ancient order of things. The first, becoming daily more 
uneasy, looked round for assistance. Like his adoptive 
father, Eugene found no other for the maintenance of 
authority but in his army, which he lost no time in or- 
ganizing and disciplining. . . . Before setting off for France, I 



FOUCHfi PAYS ANOTHER VISIT 315 

proceeded to Volta, the head-quarters of the viceroy. He had 
effected his retreat upon the Mincio, and upon the King of 
Naples' declaration of war against France, had fought with 
the Austrians one of those battles which, being of no decisive 
effect as to politics, are only productive of military glory. I 
had two private conferences with the viceroy, in which I re- 
presented to him that fighting battles was now the more use- 
less as everything would be decided within the environs of 
Paris. I dissuaded him from obeying the Emperor's orders to 
march the army of Italy upon the Vosges ; first, because it 
was now too late for a junction to be effected ; and secondly, 
because, by crossing the Alps, he would for ever lose his Lom- 
bardian possessions. Eugene owned to me that Murat had 
made him a secret proposal to unite their forces for the pur- 
pose of sharing Italy after having sent away the French 
troops, and that he had rejected this absurd offer ; that his 
declaration of war had placed him, Eugene, in the greatest 
embarrassment ; and that he feared he could hold out no 
longer if Murat should serve the Austrians with any degree 
of zeal. I made him easy upon this point, being well ac- 
quainted with the uncertain character of Murat, and knowing 
besides that his wishes for the independence of Italy had 
already been counteracted by the Allies. I was at Eugene's 
head-quarters when Fay poult, formerly a prefect, a man in 
whom Murat placed some confidence, arrived. He had been 
sent by Napoleon to Murat, as well as to Eugene, with the 
intelligence of the recent successes he had obtained at Briey 
and at Montereau. These advantages were purposely ex- 
aggerated, for the double object of keeping up Eugene's 
hopes, and damping Murat 's zeal in the cause of his new 
allies. Count de Tascher, one of Eugene's aides-de-camp, 
whom he had despatched to Napoleon, had returned also 
with the utmost expedition, and reported to him the very 
words which the Emperor, intoxicated with some brilliant 
but transient success, had addressed to him : ' Return to 
Eugene,' said Napoleon ; ' tell him how I have trimmed these 
scoundrels ; they are a set of rabble whom I will whip out of 
my dominions.' Universal joy prevailed at head-quarters. I 
took Eugene aside and told him that such bombast ought to 
inspire with confidence onl}^ such as were mad enthusiasts, 
but that it would have no effect upon reasonable people ; that 



3i6 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

the latter saw, in its full extent, the imminent danger which 
threatened the imperial throne ; that arms were not wanting 
to defend the Government, but rather the sentiments to set 
them in action ; and that by separating himself from the 
nation, the Emperor, by his despotism, had destroyed all 
public spirit. I gave Eugene some advice, and I began my 
journey to Lyons. . . ." 

We notice that Fouche says that Murat had declared war 
against the viceroy, and yet, as we shall soon see, that astute 
sovereign was still hesitating whether he should advance or 
retreat. We also note that Fouche blames Eugene for sub- 
mission to the Emperor, while Marmont blames him for 
disobedience. Both were wrong. 

We grant that Fouche had an intimate knowledge of the 
moral evils to which our frail human nature is heir, but his 
blindness to the good qualities of some of his contemporaries 
is really remarkable. He says that " the Emperor, by his 
despotism, had destroyed all public spirit." How little he 
knew ! Eugene was now straining every nerve to carry out 
the Emperor's order that he was not to evacuate Italy until 
Murat had sent him an official announcement of the fact that 
he had declared war against his brother-in-law. As that 
announcement did not come, Eugene considered it his duty 
to remain where he was. 

But now, on February 27th, Eugene received further 
orders, telling him not to evacuate Italy on any consideration. 
And yet how gladly Eugene would have returned to France 
to fight by the side of his adoptive father. 

My readers may remember that Marmont speaks in the 
extract from his Memoirs quoted by us on page 307 of 
some " counter-orders which Eugene's friends declare were 
sent to him after the Battle of Vauchamps." The following 
letter from the viceroy to General Clarke is an indirect 
answer to Marmont's covert hint of a falsehood : 

" VoLTA, February 2yth, 1814. 
" Monsieur le due de Feltre — Just as I received your letter 
of the 17th inst., my aide-de-camp, the Comte de Tascher, 
whom I had sent to the Emperor, brought me other orders 
from the Emperor absolutely contrary to any evacuation of 
Italy. I hasten to inform you of the fact." 



AUGUSTA AND NAPOLEON 317 

It was a great grief to Eugene to find that his step-father 
could imagine for one minute that his intention in writing to 
Marshal Bellegarde was to curry favour with France's 
enemy. We find traces of that grief in a letter written to his 
step-father, in which he reminds his benefactor that Augusta's 
health has been far from satisfactory lately, remarks that it 
is scarcely likely to improve under present circumstances, 
but that he is sure that, as soon as she is well enough to 
travel, she will obey the Emperor's commands and come to 
Paris. 

Augusta, however, sent a very different letter to the 
Emperor. She almost scolded him, told him pretty plainly 
that he was a brute to expect her to come all the way to 
Paris in her present condition, and added that it was shame- 
ful to think that anybody could still doubt Eugene's fidelity 
after all the proofs he had lately given to his benefactor. She 
informed the Emperor of the fact that her father had offered 
to shelter her and her husband and little ones, but that she 
had refused all assistance lest the enemies of France should 
say that she had abandoned the Emperor's cause. Her letter 
ends thus : " It is clearly my duty, if Eugene will not speak 
out, to do so for him. Nevertheless, I will obey your com- 
mands. I will leave Milan as soon as the enemy appear. But 
it is my duty to stay with my husband, and, since you com- 
mand me to risk my life, I will at least have the consolation 
of ending my days in the arms of him who possesses my 
affection, him to whom I owe all my happiness. ..." The 
Emperor's reply to this plain-spoken effusion is that of a 
governess lecturing a wilful little girl : 

" SoissoNS, March 12th, 1814. 

" My Daughter — I have just received your letter. Know- 
ing your vivacity and your somewhat touchy character, I am 
not surprised at the way in which you took my letter. I was 
afraid lest you, with your highly strung nerves, might have a 
miscarriage in a country which is overrun by enemies at the 
present moment and the scene of frequent battles. I thought 
the best way to ensure your safety would be for you to come 
to Paris. I did not tell you so before, because Paris was in 
danger then, and I considered that nothing was to be gained 
by exposing you to needless anxiety. But I considered that 



3i8 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

it would only be to your advantage to undertake this journey 
as soon as Paris was no longer threatened. Acknowledge 
your injustice. Your heart, I know, will show you how you 
have erred." 

But we must go back a few days. Napoleon's letters con- 
tinued to urge Eugene to keep possession of Italy at all costs, 
no matter what Murat might or might not do. March 3rd, 
however, saw Eugene obliged to make a retrograde move- 
ment towards the Mincio, owing to the continued advance of 
the Austrian troops. Verona had become untenable. Eugene, 
therefore, took up a position on the right bank of the Mincio, 
and prepared for another battle. On the morning of March 
4th he divided his army into two columns, one of which was 
despatched across the river by the bridge of Goito, while the 
other crossed the bridge of Mantua, and then both attacked 
the Austrian army simultaneously. The result was satis- 
factory for Eugene, for Austria's losses amounted to 7000, 
while Eugene, whose losses barely reached half that number, 
and who fought throughout the battle with the courage of 
despair, once more found an opportunity in which to show 
that he had served his apprenticeship with a past -master in 
the art of making war. It was frequently a hand-to-hand 
encounter. Eugene had the satisfaction of taking forty 
Austrian officers to the prison in Mantua, where poor 
Andreas Hofer had looked his last upon this pleasant world. 
Eugene slept on the battle-field that night. 

This is how Marmont describes Eugene's last important 
victory : 

" Eugene evacuated Verona and effected his retreat. The 
Austrian army followed slowly. Neither side engaged in 
battle, for the Austrian general, who was not eager to fight, 
believed that Eugene had agreed to evacuate Verona, and so 
considered himself authorized to take possession of the 
territory. But this did not suit Eugene's plans. If he wished 
to remain, he would have to turn the tables upon Austria. 
Their behaviour made this an easy matter. So he suddenly 
took advantage of their security to attack them in rather a 
disloyal manner. He won an unimportant victory over them. 
By acting thus, he hoped to throw dust in Napoleon's 
eyes. . . ." 



EUGENE'S LAST VICTORY 319 

An old saying, " All's fair in love and war," holds good all 
the world over. Marmont shows us that there are two ways 
of putting most facts. Eugene was as much at liberty to 
draw his enemies into an ambush as any other general in 
history. Had Marmont been fighting for his own interests, 
we doubt whether he would have acted otherwise. 

Eugene's pride in his success was damped by reports of 
Murat's sayings and doings. His thoughts often turned to the 
young wife during these weeks of suspense. We find a touch- 
ing little note enclosing a few early violets written by the 
viceroy from Volta, which town he was preparing to leave in 
order to go to Mantua, that city seated in the midst of reeds 
and marshes like a wild-fowl in her nest, which city he con- 
sidered a more suitable place from which to direct his opera- 

" Volta, March 6th, 1814. 
" I rode on horseback this morning as usual. Would you 
believe it ? I found these violets which I now send you. 
They will remind you of the happy time when we gathered 
violets together. Patience ! those happy days will soon 
return once more." 

On this same day Eugene, at Salconze, won another but a 
smaller victory over Austria, when the latter lost 100 
prisoners and had 400 troops placed hors de combat. Six 
days later Napoleon informed his adopted son that he had 
received a most remarkable letter from Murat : 

" SoissoNS, March 12th, 1814. 
" My Son — I send you a copy of a very extraordinary letter 
which I have just received from the King of Naples. Such 
sentiments, when I and France are being assassinated, are 
truly inconceivable. I have also received your letter con- 
cerning the scheme for a treaty which the king sent you. 
You yourself must realize that it is a mad scheme. However, 
send a messenger to this crazy traitor, and draw up a treaty 
with him in my name. Do not touch Piedmont or Genoa, but 
divide the rest of Italy into two kingdoms. Keep this treaty 
secret until you have driven the Austrians out of the country. 
Let the king show his hand twenty-four hours after signing 
the treaty, and then fall upon the enemy. I give you a free 
hand in the matter ; everything must now be sacrificed in 



320 EUGfiNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

order to join forces with those of the King of Naples. We will 
afterwards do what we like, for nobody can be expected to 
keep faith with a person who has been guilty of such be- 
haviour at such a time. As I want to put a spoke in his wheel, 
I have ordered the Pope to be sent via Piacenza, and Parma, 
to the outposts. I have informed the Pope that, as he has ex- 
pressed a wish to be allowed to return to his diocese, I shall 
forbid him to do so. Be careful not to pledge your word to 
the Pope, neither to recognize his power, nor to refuse to 
do so." 

Copy of Murat's letter to the Emperor. [Undated.) 

" Sire — Your Majesty is in danger. The very capital of 
France is threatened, and I am powerless to defend either the 
one or the other ! I cannot die for you ! To think that Your 
Majesty's most devoted friend should appear as if he were 
your enemy ! Sire, say but one word and I will sacrifice my 
family and my subjects. I may ruin myself, but at least I 
shall have been of use to you ; I shall have proved to you that 
I was ever your best friend. I ask for naught else provided 
that the viceroy explains my conduct to you. . . . Tears 
fill my eyes and prevent me finishing this letter. I am alone 
here, amid foreigners. I must even hide my tears. This letter, 
Sire, places my fate in your hands. My life belongs to you, 
I have sworn to die for Your Majesty. If you could see me, 
if you could realize all I have suffered during the last two 
months, you would have pity upon me. Continue to love me ; 
never was I more worthy of your affection. Your friend until 
death." 

Well might Eugene say of the writer of the above effusion: 
" What a fearful traitor Murat is ! " And Napoleon, in order 
to save France, was now trying to bribe this man to aid him 
in his task. Why, if Murat was so devoted to Napoleon, did 
he continue to behave as if he were his worst enemy, and 
place so many obstacles in the viceroy's path ? 



CHAPTER XIII 

Murat's behaviour excites indignation — Augusta takes shelter in Mantua 
— Napoleon " forfeits " the throne of France — Eugene's mission ends 
— The King of Bavaria urges him to leave Italy — ^Birth of another 
daughter — The Italian army begs Eugene to remain in Italy — He 
bids farewell to his troops — Murder of Prina — Napoleon leaves France 
— Eugene goes with his family to Munich — Josephine wishes her son 
to be made connetable — Eugene pays a visit to Paris — He is intro- 
duced to the new tenant of the Tuileries and makes many friends — 
Illness and death of the ex-Empress Josephine. 

NAPOLEON, in urging his " daughter " to come to 
Paris for her confinement, Httle thought that his 
proud capital in less than three weeks would be invaded by 
the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, amid cries of : 
" Vive I'empereur Alexandre ! Vivent les Bourbons ! A has le 
tyran ! " and that he himself would be obliged to fly to Fon- 
tainebleau, there to attempt to put an end to his mental 
tortures by taking poison. 

Murat's behaviour foretold coming events. He now de- 
clared war against France. Now would have been the time 
for Eugene to fly to his adoptive father's assistance, had he 
not received the counter-order mentioned in his letter to the 
due de Feltre. On hearing of Murat's behaviour several 
French officers in the Neapolitan army preferred to leave 
Naples rather than fight against Eugene, the Emperor's 
representative. And although these officers did not help to 
swell the ranks of the viceroy's fast -diminishing army in any 
extraordinary degree, they were able to give him valuable 
moral support. 

Stifling his anger at his compatriots' decision to join the 
viceroy, Murat tried to persuade them to remain with him. 
" Do you think," said he, " that I am less patriotic than you 
are ? You are mistaken ! I am greatly to be pitied. I only 
know that disasters are falling thick and fast upon the Grand 
Army. I have been obliged to conclude a treaty with the 
Austrians, to make an arrangement with the English, and, 
consequently, to declare war in order to save my kingdom 
X 321 



322 eug£ne de beauharnais 

from invasion by the English and SiciHan troops, which 
event would have indubitably caused an insurrection. Per- 
haps things will now take a turn for the better. Stay with 
me. I have given you advancement ; other privileges are in 
store for you. It is ungrateful of you to leave my service 
when you know how I desire your welfare." 

But these fine phrases had no effect upon the French 
officers, who knew why Murat had showered so many 
favours upon them. 

Murat then wrote to the viceroy, telling him that he was 
sending him troops to help him drive the Austrians back into 
their own country, and begging him to provide the said 
troops with food and ammunition. 

The fatal month of March was slipping away, but before 
it closed it brought more disasters to Italy. On the 23rd, 
some Sicilian and English troops, notwithstanding Murat 's 
mysterious " arrangement," landed in Tuscany, and spread 
all along the coast, despite General Rouyer Saint -Victor's 
endeavours to stop their advance. 

On March 29th, Augusta, after hesitating whether she had 
better go to Alexandria or Mantua for her confinement, de- 
cided to join her husband in the latter town. She had so 
endeared herself to the Italian populace that when she bade 
farewell to the good city of Milan many shed tears. Her re- 
ception by the troops quartered in the marsh city of Mantua, 
where she was virtually going to shut herself up and wait for 
events to shape themselves, was no less touching. Every- 
body admired her courage. All sorts of rumours had lately 
been circulated among the Italian troops. It was said that 
Eugene had been taken prisoner by Marshal Bellegarde, and 
that the vice-reine had fled to Germany ; but here she was in 
their midst, willing and prepared to face the unknown with a 
courage which only the thought of other people's sufferings 
could quell. 

And now Napoleon's star began to sink over the horizon, a 
horizon black with the smoke of burning Moscow, red with 
the blood of the thousands of brave men who had given their 
lives for him. 

Marmont now rewarded his Emperor in a most cruel 
manner. He abandoned his benefactor just at the very 
moment when the latter had most need of his services, 



NAPOLEON FORFEITS THE THRONE 323 

evacuated a position which was by no means desperate, and 
on April 3rd, although he still had a fine army at his back, 
entered into negotiations with the Allies. On this same day 
the Senate solemnly declared that Napoleon the Great had 
forfeited the throne. Five days later, Eugene, unaware that 
his adoptive father was no longer Emperor, wrote the follow- 
ing letter to his master, his last official report although he 

was unaware of that fact : <, ,, ^ , -7 r,,7 

Mantua, Apnl 8th, 1814. 

" Sire — ^I think it my duty, considering the last news from 
France and the effect produced thereby, to send one of my 
aides-de-camp to Your Majesty. I am charging this gentle- 
man to inform Your Majesty of the present condition of my 
army in Italy, and to bring me Your Majesty's instructions. 
Notwithstanding the enemy's very superior forces (for 
Marshal Bellegarde has an army of 70,000 men, the King of 
Naples 24,000, and the Anglo-Sicilians 8000), Your Majesty's 
army in Italy is still defending the Mincio and the Taro ; the 
troops charged to protect Genoa have several outposts 
beyond Sestri di Levante. The greater part of the army is on 
the Mincio. I have charged my aide-de-camp, General 
Gifflenga, verbally to describe to Your Majesty our position 
and what I propose to do according to the enemy's move- 
ments." 

We see that Eugene to the very last tried to save the king- 
dom which had been given into his charge. But his efforts 
were useless. On April 7th, General Rouyer Saint -Victor was 
attacked and overwhelmed by Sicilian and English troops 
under Lord Bentinck.^ Venice surrendered to the enemy 
April loth, and Genoa, which Napoleon had been so anxious 
to save, followed suit a few days later. 

April nth saw the signing of the treaty in which Napoleon 
relinquished all claims to the thrones of France and Italy, and 
thereby released Eugene from his vows of fidelity. It is true 
that, even in this hour of despair, Napoleon did not forget his 
adopted son, and stipulated in the same treaty that Eugene 
was to be given a suitable establishment outside the frontiers 

1 Lord Bentinck, William Charles Cavendish (1774-1839): was given 
the post of Governor of Madras at the age of twenty ; commanded the 
English troops in Sicily. Having, in 1814, received orders to stir up Italy 
against Napoleon, he managed, by promising Genoa to re-estabhsh a re- 
pubhc, to get that State to join him against Napoleon. As Governor- 
general of India, he won golden opinions for himself. 



324 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

of France ; but he might just as well have saved himself the 
trouble for all the effect it had. 

The viceroy had been without news from France for several 
days, and was in a state of great anxiety when, on this very 
same day, April nth, rumours that Paris had capitulated 
reached the city of refuge where Eugene and his wife were 
still hoping against hope, and endeavouring to protect them- 
selves from the Austrians, who were now within sight of 
Mantua. Poor Eugene ! it was some time before he could 
realize that his step-father's brilliant career and his own 
mission were things of the past . The King of Bavaria learnt 
of the Emperor's downfall some hours before the news 
reached Eugene. He writes as follows : 

" Munich, Afril nth, 1814. 

" My beloved Son — So far I have only been able to approve 
your loyalty, my dear friend — nay, I will even say that it 
made me proud to have such a son. Now that things have 
taken quite another turn, as you will see by the enclosed 
pamphlet, you can leave the country without dishonouring 
yourself. You owe it to your wife and children. This evening 
a courier arrived bringing me the news that Marmont had 
come over to our side with 6000 infantry troops — all old 
soldiers — 2000 mounts and twenty guns. 

" The marshals have forced the Emperor, who is at Fon- 
tainebleau, to abdicate by declaring that his army would no 
longer obey him. He agreed to abdicate on condition that 
the Empress was made Regent and the King of Rome 
Emperor. Ney, Macdonald and Caulaincourt have gone to 
Paris with this proposal in the name of the army. They are 
awaiting the arrival of the Emperor of Austria before giving 
their reply. I fancy it will be a negative one, for the Bour- 
bons have already got too many partisans. 

" All the Allies are for us, my dear Eugene ; so take ad- 
vantage of their goodwill and think of your family. 

" It would be unpardonable to keep silent any longer. 

Adieu, my dear son. The Queen embraces you, Augusta and 

your children. „ -, . rr -• i. x ^.u 

•^ I remam your affectionate father, 

" Maximilian-Joseph." 

" P.S. — The Empress Josephine left for Navarre on the 

29th." 



BIRTH OF ANOTHER DAUGHTER 325 

We find a repetition of the King of Bavaria's assertion that 
the alhed sovereigns were inclined to treat Eugene mercifully 
in a letter written by Hortense to her lady-in-waiting, Mile. 
Cochelet, called Mile. Cochelaide, on account of her plain 
features. 

"... My brother," writes Hortense on April 12th, " will, I 
hope, be treated well, and will no longer be exposed to 
danger. He must be anxious for us. I dare not write to him ; 
he would not get my letters. If you find an opportunity to 
do so, tell him that we are no longer in danger." 

Eugene's order of release came not a day too soon; he and 
his wife and children and army were now practically 
prisoners in the town of Mantua. 

On April 13th a little girl,i Eugene's fifth child, came into 
the world amid the roar of the enemy's cannons announcing 
to the besieged city of Mantua that Paris had capitulated. 
Three days later another salvo from the Austrian camp told 
the baby's parents that the Allies had entered the fair 
capital, whereupon Generals von Niepper and Wartenberg, 
aides-de-camp to the King of Bavaria, came to parley with 
Eugene. Seeing that all was lost, Eugene, now no longer vice- 
roy, consented to sign a treaty with Bellegarde by which the 
latter agreed to allow all French soldiers to return to their 
native land. Unaware of the treaty of Fontainebleau, which 
had settled his fate, Eugene still considered it his duty to 
remain at his post, and he was strengthened in this deter- 
mination by the army of Italy, which, beginning to realize 
his worth when it was about to lose him, now begged him to 
remain as viceroy or to accept the crown of Italy. Generals 
Fontanelli and Bertoletti were instructed to go to Paris, inter- 
view the Allies, and explain Italy's wishes upon the subject. 

To his brave French soldiers who were now returning to 
their homes Eugene expressed his gratitude in a speech 
which must have brought tears to the eyes of many an old 
soldier. After speaking of France as the beloved mother who 
was now calling her children back to her sheltering arms, he 
told his troops how proud he would have been to take them 
home himself ; and he assured them that under any other 
circumstances he would never have allowed anybody else to 
lead back to port those brave fellows who had fought so long 

1 This child was named Theodohnde. 



326 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

and so valiantly by his side. He concluded with these words : 
" My affection and gratitude, as well as the love and esteem 
of the Italian people, will follow you wherever you go." 

Before taking their troops back to their native land, the 
French generals, headed by General Grenier, signed and 
presented to their commander-in-chief the following docu- 
ment, which was rendered still more valuable by the names 
of all the Italian officers : 

" Monseigiieur — The French army considers that it has a 
duty to perform before starting for home ; it wishes to place 
at Your Imperial Highness' feet a proof of the gratitude and 
veneration which it feels for your august person. 

" The ar7ny of Italy will always be proud of its chief ; the 
mere fact of having served under Your Imperial Majesty 
will be in itself a title of nobility. 

" That you may enjoy that happiness and glory which 
your fine and noble qualities deserve is the wish of the entire 
army which has so often had occasion to appreciate, and will 
never forget them." 

We can easily imagine that this unsolicited testimonial, 
coming from both the Italian and French armies, was par- 
ticularly welcome to Eugene at a time when the future was 
hidden by threatening clouds. 

Eugene's reply to the above testimonial is too long to re- 
produce, but we are fain to give the closing sentence of that 
touching resume of the incidents which had bound the Italian 
and French armies to their leader with the bond of fellowship : 

" And you, brave Italian soldiers, I bear indelibly en- 
graved on my heart all your features, the memory of all your 
services, all your wounds, those wounds which I with my 
own eyes saw received, those services the just reward for 
which I was instrumental in obtaining. . . . Perhaps you will 
see me no more at your head and by your side ! Perhaps I 
shall never again hear your cries of victory ! But if ever the 
fatherland calls you to arms again, I am sure, brave soldiers, 
that you will still love to remember in the midst of danger 
the name of Eugene." 

Now although the Italian army wished its brave com- 
mander to remain at the head of the government, such was 
not the case with the Italian nobility, who, notwithstanding 



MURDER OF PRINA 327 

all the viceroy's attempts to be conciliating, and his seeming 
success, were only waiting for an occasion upon which to 
reconquer their independence. On April 20th a band of titled 
ruffians, under the guidance of Melzi^ and General Pino, 
secretly encouraged thereunto by Austria, attacked the 
Senate in Milan, pillaged that edifice and seized the Minister 
of Finances, Prina, whom they first tortured and then mur- 
dered. They finished up their performance by burning his 
house. It was said that Pino was a great gambler, and that 
he owed Prina a large sum of money ; rather than have to pay 
his debts, he preferred to suppress his creditor. It is hard to 
say what would have happened if General MioUis, who had 
left Naples on learning of the capitulation of Paris, had not 
entered Milan, and, with his 2000 troops, put a stop to the 
rioting. We are inclined to think that the senators of Milan 
got no more than they deserved ; for having, after one of 
Napoleon's last victories, nominated a deputation to go and 
congratulate Napoleon the Great upon the fact that he had 
triumphed over his enemies, the deputation took so long to 
get to Paris that it found on its arrival that Napoleon was no 
longer master, whereupon it congratulated the allied 
sovereigns upon the fall of the tyrant. 

On learning of this insurrection, Eugene was recommended 
to send troops to complete the task begun by General 
MioUis. This, however, he refused to do, as he wished the 
country to be at liberty to choose or reject him as their 
future governor. Nine days after the birth of Eugene's fifth 
child, he and his family moved to Verona, where he was re- 
ceived with every mark of respect by Marshal Bellegarde. 

Let us leave Italy for a moment, and turn our thoughts to 
Fontainebleau, where a great man was suffering as great men 
alone can suffer. Before leaving France, Napoleon wrote the 
following letter to the woman whom he had loved best on 
earth : 

" To the Empress Josephine at La Malmaison, 

" Fontainebleau, April 1.6th, 1814. 

" Dear Josephine — I wrote to you on the 8th of this 

1 Melzi, Francesco (1753-1S16), chamberlain to Maria Theresa, asso- 
ciated himself with General Bonaparte during the ItaUan campaign. The 
latter made him vice-president of the Cisalpine Repubhc (181 2), chan- 
cellor of the Itahan kingdom (1805), and due de Lodi (1807). His be- 
haviour, after Napoleon's downfall, did not profit him to any great extent. 



328 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

month ; but perhaps you did not get my letter, as it was a 
Friday. As they were still fighting, it is quite possible that it 
was intercepted. Communications have now been re- 
established. I have made up my mind. I do not doubt that 
this letter will reach you. 

" I will not repeat all I said to you in my last letter, I then 
complained of my position, now I am thankful for it. A huge 
weight has fallen from my heart and my brain. Great has 
been my fall, but at least it will have been of some use — so 
they say ! 

" I am going to exchange the sword for the pen in my 
retreat. 

" The history of my reign will make curious reading. The 
world has hitherto only seen me in profile ; I shall now draw a 
full-length portrait of myself. What numbers of secrets I 
shall have to reveal ! What false opinions we form of our 
fellow-men ! . . . I have showered benefits upon thousands of 
villains — see how they have treated me lately ! 

" They have all betrayed me, yes, every one of them ! I 
except from this number our good Eugene, who is so worthy 
of you and me. May he be happy under a king who knows 
how to appreciate the sentiments of nature and honour. 

" Adieu, my dear Josephine. Resign yourself as I have 
resigned myself, and never forget him who has never for- 
gotten you and never will forget you. Adieu, Josephine. 

" Napoleon." 

" P.S. — I shall expect news from you at the island of Elba. 
I am not well." 

On April 27th, Napoleon, still an Emperor at heart, left for 
his miniature kingdom, where his foes had every intention of 
keeping him as long as that prodigious brain continued to 
work. 

Before another twenty-four hours had elapsed, Eugene, his 
task accomplished, yielded to his wife and his father-in-law's 
prayers, and left Italy, never to return. How gladly would he 
have turned his steps towards the land of his birth ; but he 
knew that, notwithstanding the allied sovereigns' pretended 
goodwill for him, there was no place for him there. No ; he 
took the road to Munich, where, eight years before, he had 
arrived full of hope for the future. 



EUG£NE leaves ITALY 32() 

The little party travelled slowly in order to spare Augusta 
any unnecessary fatigue. The little prince and his sisters 
were given into the especial care of Baron Darnay. Their 
escort consisted of twelve members of Eugene's former 
household. So sudden was their departure from Italy that 
they were only able to take what was absolutely necessary. 
But then Eugene knew that he, as viceroy, only had the en- 
joyment of the valuable furniture, plate, jewels, etc., during 
the term of his office. Before leaving Italy, Eugene, at the 
request of his mother and sister, wrote to the Emperor 
Alexander, explaining the awkward position in which they 
were placed. Alexander sent a civil reply, promised to look 
after their interests, and at the same time expressed his in- 
tention of showing his esteem for the viceroy in a substantial 
manner on some future occasion. 

During the journey through the Tyrol to Munich Eugene 
and his family were respectfully saluted by the inhabitants. 
The memory of his efforts to tone down Napoleon's harsh 
orders was still fresh. 

The King of Bavaria received his daughter and her hus- 
band and family very kindly. To his honour be it said that 
he did his best to make them forget that they were refugees. 
On reaching Munich, Eugene found a letter from his mother 
recommending him to come to Paris as soon as possible, as 
his presence was absolutely necessary, if he did not wish to 
be left out in the cold. She reminded him that he ought to 
consider his children's interests, and assured him that 
Louis XVIII bore him no ill-will for having refused to betray 
the Emperor. 

The grains of sand had begun to run very quickly through 
the hour-glass of the ex-Empress Josephine. She had only a 
few more weeks to live, and yet to the very last she plotted 
and planned for her family. 

The Emperor Alexander had received but a cold welcome 
at the hands of the Parisians after the first ; so when he found 
that the ex-Empress was ready to be polite to him and to 
treat him as if he were one of France's best friends, he felt it 
incumbent upon him to make some return for her courtesy. 
After having confided to her intimate friend, Mme. de 
Remusat, that she should like Eugene to be made connetable, 
Josephine broached the subject to the Emperor Alexander, 



330 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

and found him quite willing to support her demand. Did not 
Alexander say of the ex-Empress and of her family : " I like 
and respect that family ; I esteem the Empress, Prince 
Eugene and Queen Hortense all the more because they be- 
haved far better towards the Emperor than many who had 
more reason to be grateful to him " ? 

Josephine and Hortense would not leave Eugene in peace 
until they had extorted a promise from him to come up to 
Paris. He left Munich early in May, and reached La Mal- 
maison on the 9th. He found his mother and sister in con- 
sultation with their new friend. Hortense describes Eugene's 
meeting with the Czar in her memoirs : 

" On noticing that my mother and the Czar had withdrawn 
aside, doubtless in order to say something private, my 
brother and I thought it better to retire. The Czar gave his 
arm to the Empress, and they then went into the garden, 
where they strolled for about twenty minutes. On returning 
to the house, he welcomed us most kindly. He told us that 
he would take upon himself to introduce us to Louis XVHI, 
and assured my brother that His Majesty intended to make 
him marshal of France, and that, although peace was about 
to be signed, he was convinced that the king would employ 
him on occasion. 

" ' Your behaviour,' said the Czar to him, ' can be quoted 
as an example to the army. Monsieur, you are the Bayard of 
the century ! ' " 

At the Czar's advice, Eugene went up to Paris that very 
day and paid a visit to the new tenant of the Tuileries. By 
some mistake the due d'Aumont^ announced him as the 
Marquis de Beauharnais. Louis XVHI rose from his throne 
and not only held out his hand affectionately to the ex- 
viceroy, but kissed him on both cheeks ; then turning 
sharply towards the duke, he said : 

" Say His Highness the Prince Eugene, Monsieur, and add 
grand connetahle de France, if such be his good pleasure." 

So favourable an impression did Eugene make upon 
Louis XVHI that it was said that the latter would have 
gladly given him a place at his Court had not intrigues 
prevented him doing so. But we can safely say that Eugene 
would have refused such a post, 

1 d'Aumont, Louis Celeste, due: gentleman of the Bedchamber to 
Louis XVIII. 



EUG£NE in PARIS 331 

Eugene tells his wife his impressions in the following letter: 

" Paris, May gih, 1814. 
" My good Augusta — I reached La Malmaison very early 
this morning. I found my mother and my sister in excellent 
health ; they send you their best love. I thought it my duty 
to present my respects to the King of France ; so, no sooner 
had I embraced my mother than I asked and obtained per- 
mission to appear at the Tuileries. Louis XVIII received me 
most kindly, and asked eagerly after your health. 

" Now for business : we must not expect to be treated too 
well. Everybody wants a slice of the cake, and everybody 
thinks he has a right to a big slice. It is quite true that the 
most sacred family ties count for nothing where politics are 
concerned. I am returning to La Malmaison, from whence I 
shall write to you when I feel less tired. I long to hear of the 
arrival of our little angels. Take great care of your health, 
my good Augusta. We shall never find greater happiness in 
this world than in our mutual affection." 

Eugene has been blamed, and justly blamed, for going to 
pay his respects to the effete successor of Napoleon, the man 
who had usurped his step-father's place. 

During one of Eugene's visits to his sister's hotel in Paris, he 
took part in a conversation with Mme du Cayla,^ one of 
Louis XVIII's favourites, when the Czar, to whom this lady 
bore some spite on account of his friendship for the due de 
Richelieu, 2 for whom she herself had no affection, passed a 
very uncomfortable quarter of an hour. Eugene was talking 
about the ingratitude of the French nobility towards the 
Emperor Napoleon. That ingratitude had manifested itself 
in many painful and ridiculous ways. During a state per- 
formance at the Opera, the aristocratic audience, perceiving 
that one of the opera-boxes was still decorated with an 
imperial eagle, had yelled, " Down with the turkey ! " "I 
can understand," said Eugene, " one dynasty being preferred 
to another, and women, in especial, never think of asking 
themselves which system of government is the best or most 

1 Cayla, Zoe Talon, comtesse de (1784-1850): the mistress of Louis 
XVIII, who gave her the chdteau of Saint-Ouen. She wasted a good 
deal of time and energy in trying to harm the due de Richeheu in the eyes 
of her royal friend. To her, M. de Vill^le owed his advancement. 

2 Richelieu, Armand Emmanuel, due de (1766-1822): Foreign Minister 
under Louis XVIII; signed the treaty of 181 5. 



332 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

adapted to their country's needs, for they are guided by their 
own indinations. But how could these women forget them- 
selves as well-born women, and, above all, as Frenchwomen, 
in the presence of the enemy ? How could they go and meet 
foreign troops, fete them, applaud them when those troops 
were still covered with their compatriots' blood ? Ah ! 
madame, confess that you lost your head, and then I shall 
understand." 

" But," protested Mme. du Cayla, with all the arrogance of 
a royal favourite, " we did not go to meet the enemy ; they, 
by bringing back the sovereign we had never ceased to love, 
became our friends." 

" Nevertheless they were the enemies of France," said 
Eugene. " Your sovereigns ought not to wish to be con- 
sidered independent of the country over which they have 
been called to rule once more ; and you compromised them 
by giving your support and your applause to the conquerors 
of your vanquished brothers." 

" And yet," retorted the worthy rival of Mesdames de 
Balbi^ and de Polastron,^ with a smile of pity at Eugene's 
naivete, " and yet, without their help, we should never have 
been able to bring our King back. The end justifies the 
means ; and rest assured that without us and the applause 
which, as the populace would have nothing to say to them, 
we the nobility showered upon the Allies, they would have done 
nothing. We gained our cause at the expense of our pride." 

Even Talleyrand would not have been ashamed of Eugene's 
reply : 

" I am glad to hear from your lips that the populace did 
not take part in the applause, and that the Bourbons only 
owe the throne to the efforts of young and pretty women like 
yourself." 

The Bourbons do not seem to have been popular with one 
of their protectors, for the Emperor Alexander in a moment 
of wild confidence said to Eugene shortly before his departure 
from Paris : 

" I know not whether I shall ever have occasion to regret 
having reinstated the Bourbons upon the throne. We had 
them in Russia, and we know what to expect of them ! . . ." 

1 Mme. de Balbi, nee de Caumont La Force. 

- Louise d'Esparbes, comtesse de Polastron (i 764-1 804): the mistress 
and companion in exile of the comte d'Artois, later Charles X. 



THE CZAR AND EUGENE 333 

The Czar seems to have taken a Uking to Eugene from their 
very first interview ; extravagant and multifold were the 
promises made by him to his protege. At one time he said 
that he would give him the duchy of Genoa, at another he 
assured him that he should have a German principality with 
not less than 60,000 inhabitants. Eugene thought himself 
lucky when he eventually obtained the principality of 
Eichstatt, with 7000 inhabitants. 

Alexander was not Eugene's only friend at Court. Mon- 
sieur'^ and his children,^ and the due de Berry ^ in especial, 
learned during his brief visit to appreciate his noble qualities 
and his proud and independent spirit. 

The Czar and Eugene paid frequent visits to Hortense at 
Saint-Leu, where she now reigned as Duchesse de Saint-Leu, 
a title which she owed to Louis XVIII, when she would take 
her guests for long drives in the neighbouring forest of Mont- 
morency. On the occasion of one of these visits, Hortense's 
two little sons, Napoleon-Louis* and Louis-Napoleon,^ were 
taken down to the drawing-room to say honjour to the Czar 
of Russia and the King of Prussia. Accustomed from their 
babyhood to be surrounded by kings and princes, the two 
sons of Louis Bonaparte were neither awed by the titles nor 
by the tall stature of their mother's visitors. The youngest 
child, who was then about six years of age, after looking very 
intently at the two sovereigns, whispered to his governess : 

" Mademoiselle, are these gentlemen also our uncles, and 
must I call them uncle ? " 

" No, Louis, you must say Sire to them." 

" But how is it they are not our uncles ? " queried Na- 
poleon le Petit. 

This was an awkward question. Their governess, who was 
probably a better patriot than their mother, took the little 
boys in a corner and told them that these two gentlemen had 

1 Charles X (Charles-Philippe), 1757-1836: grandson of Louis XV, also 
known as the comte d'Artois ; he reigned from 1824 to 1830, when he was 
dethroned. He married, in 1773, Maria Theresa of Savoy. He died at 
Goritz in lUyria. 

2 The due d'Angouleme (1775-1844) and the due de Berry (1778-1820). 

3 due de Berry, Charles-Ferdinand (1778-1820): second son of Charles X, 
was assassinated by Lovivel while leaving the opera-house in Paris. He 
had one son and one daughter by his wife, princess Caroline of Naples. 
His son bore the titles of due de Bordeaux and comte de Chambord. 

* Napoleon-Louis (1804-31). 

* Charles-Louis-Napoleon (1808-73): usually called Louis-Napoleon. 



334 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

lately conquered France. Louis-Napoleon's face clouded 
over, and he stamped his little foot with anger, crying : 

" Then they are our uncle's enemies ? Why did the Em- 
peror of Russia kiss me ? " 

" Because he is a generous enemy. But for him you would 
not have a sou in the world, and your uncles would be even 
more unhappy than they are now." 

" Then we must love the Emperor Alexander ? " 

" Certainly, because you owe him much." 

Such reasoning was almost beyond the child's compre- 
hension. He said nothing more, but continued to examine 
the Czar. The Czar paid Hortense another visit on the 
morrow. While the Duchesse de Saint-Leu was seated in her 
drawing-room engaged in conversation with her guest, the 
door opened very softly, and a little boy crept up unnoticed 
behind the Czar's chair, slipped something hard and bright 
into his hand, and then, without opening his mouth, ran out 
of the room as fast as the little feet could take him. 

The duchess called Louis-Napoleon back in rather a severe 
tone, and asked him what he meant by such extraordinary 
behaviour. Tears filled the child's eyes, and he blushed as 
he stammered : 

" Oh ! mama, that's the ring Uncle Eugene gave me, I 
wanted to give it to the Emperor Alexander because he is so 
kind to us." 

Hortense smiled, while the Czar took the little Louis- 
Napoleon upon his knee, stroked the soft hair, pinched and 
kissed the chubby cheeks alternately. Having fastened the 
ring to his watch-chain, he solemnly vowed to keep it in 
memory of his little friend. 

Hortense did not accept her new title of duchess with all 
the gratitude expected of her ; in fact, she protested at being 
addressed no more as queen, and remarked to one of her 
gossips : 

" I think it my duty not to allow people to forget that I 
have been queen, although I am not particularly anxious to 
bear that title. Did not the newspapers say that my brother, 
on going to present his respects to the king, was announced 
as the Marquis de Beauharnais ? He thought it beneath him 
to deny the report, but he was very foolish not to do so." 

Mile. Cochelet was instructed to go to Paris and inform M. 



JOSEPHINE'S ILLNESS 335 

de Nesselrode^ that Queen Hortense would accept nothing 
from the hands of Louis XVIII ; on hearing which news, M. 
de Nesselrode wisely replied : 

" What can I do in the matter ? . . . Louis XVIII is anxious 
to spare the feelings of Prince Eugene, the Queen and the 
Empress ; but I fancy he desires to treat them as if we were 
still in 1789, for he and his party refuse to recognize any new 
titles, and the titles of queen and empress are distasteful to 
them." 

As for the ex-Empress Josephine, her indignation was even 
greater when the following announcement appeared in the 
Journal des Debats : 

" The Emperor of Russia went the day before yesterday to 
the chateau of Saint -Leu, near Montmorency, where he dined 
with Prince Eugene and the latter's mother and sister." 

" What ! " cried she, " could they not speak of me with 
more respect ? Must I come after my son, then ? It is most 
unseemly. I have a title ; I was crowned and anointed. The 
Emperor Alexander is my protector ; he sent soldiers to 
defend La Malmaison as soon as he had captured the bridge 
of Neuilly. Why, then, do they call me simply the mother of 
Prince Eugene ? Doubtless that title is dearer to me than 
any other, but a journalist should not forget that I was once 
his sovereign." 

Eugene did not take Alexander's promises of help very 
seriously, and it was a good thing he did not do so, for he 
soon learnt that nothing would be done for him before 
October, when a Congress was to be held at Vienna, and his 
case would be attended to. 

In the following letter we find the first mention of Jose- 
phine's illness. He writes to Augusta from La Malmaison, 
May 25th : 

"... Our mother has been very unwell for the last two 
days, and this morning she had a great deal of fever. The 
doctor says it is only a cold, but I don't think she looks at all 
well. My sister has a bad attack of inflammation of the lungs. 
Their fate will soon be settled, I hope, and then they will 
have no need to worry themselves as to the future." 

Beyond taking an annual trip to Aix-les-Bains or Plom- 

1 Nesselrode, Charles Robert, count of (i 780-1 862): a Russian diplo- 
matist who obtained great influence over the Czar of Russia. He took 
part in most of the treaties concluded between Napoleon and his late friends. 



336 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

bieres, when her cure was made an excuse to amuse herself, 
Josephine's health had been excellent. And in this respect 
she was more fortunate than the lymphatic woman who took 
her place by the Emperor's side. 

However, she was now really ill, and, as is frequently the 
case when the cry of " wolf " has been heard too often, she 
and her entourage were unaware that she was in any danger. 
Putrid sore throat quickly declared itself. 

She had invited her two protectors, the Czar of Russia and 
the King of Prussia, to lunch on May 27th. Although she was 
feeling very unwell, she insisted upon dressing and going 
downstairs to receive her distinguished guests. She was able 
to sit through the meal, but was too ill to swallow anything. 
So visibly was she suffering that her guests retired as soon as 
they had drunk their coffee, when Eugene escorted them back 
to Paris. 

Josephine passed a restless night, and sank into a lethargic 
slumber towards dawn. This state lasted for about five hours. 
Hortense and Eugene took turns to watch beside her bedside. 
On the morrow, her condition becoming hopeless, Drs.Horeau^ 
and Laserre warned Eugene and his sister that all would soon 
be over. The Emperor Alexander called early that morning 
at La Malmaison to inquire after her health. He was 
genuinely shocked when he was ushered into the little bed- 
room where the ex-Empress lay dying. Eugene and Hortense 
were on their knees receiving her blessing as the Czar entered. 
Grief prevented them speaking to him ; their sobs filled the 
room. 

The tutor of Hortense's children, an ex-priest, heard her 
confession and gave her absolution that evening. 

A few hours later, on May 29th, 1814, Josephine passed 
away, at the age of fifty-three. Eugene was obliged to tear 
Hortense, who herself was ill with anxiety and a severe chill, 
away from their mother's death-bed. 

Eugene and Hortense had in common that filial affection 
which is inherent to the French nation, and bitterly did they 
mourn their mother, whose faults were forgiven and for- 
gotten in the stern presence of Death. 

So crushed was Eugene by this sudden and unexpected 
death, that he had to commission his aide-de-camp, the 
comte de Mejean, to write to the Baroness von Wurmbs, to 

1 A pupil of the celebrated Dr. Corvisart. 



A DISAGREEABLE SURPRISE 337 

beg her to break the news to Augusta of the decease of her 
who, he said, " had loved her as tenderly as if she had been 
her own daughter." 

On the morrow he found courage to take the pen in his 
hand and to tell his dear companion of his loss. Then he, too, 
fell ill, so ill, indeed, that he was unable to accompany his 
mother's remains to their last resting-place in the little 
church at Rueil, near La Malmaison, where Josephine had 
passed both the happiest and the saddest years of her life. 

By a strange coincidence Hortense, too, was unable to 
attend her mother's funeral, for she was seized with a fainting 
fit just as the coffin was being carried downstairs. The chief 
mourners were Hortense's little boys, Napoleon-Louis and 
Louis-Napoleon, who walked one on either side of their dead 
grandmother's lady-in-waiting, the Comtesse d' Arberg, ^ each 
holding one of her hands. The road from La Malmaison to 
Rueil was kept by troops. The Grand-duke of Baden, the 
inarquis de Beauharnais, the comte de Tascher, and repre- 
sentatives of the Czar of Russia and the King of Prussia 
assisted at the funeral ceremony, when a touching oration 
drew tears from the eyes of those who had known the dead 
woman in prosperity and in adversity. ^ 

Augusta, on learning of her husband's grief and illness, was 
most anxious to set off for Paris, that she might comfort and 
console him as she alone knew how to do. It was with the 
greatest difficulty that she was persuaded to remain with her 
father and the little flock of curly-headed children. 

A disagreeable surprise awaited Eugene. His mother's 
extravagance had caused her family much annoyance during 
her lifetime, and was fated to continue to do so after her 
death. To his horror Eugene now discovered that his 
mother's debts amounted to considerably more than two 
million francs. ^ But he was determined that he would not 
return to Munich until every soti had been paid. 

^ The comtesse d' Arberg: descended from a German royal family and 
the wife of a distinguished Belgian noble, was the mother-in-law of Napo- 
leon's friend, General Mouton, of whom the Emperor said, " Mon Mouton 
est un lion." Mme. d'Arberg was a woman of much talent and common 
sense, and she tried to influence her imperial mistress during Josephine's 
career as Empress and divorcee. 

- Eugene and his sister afterwards erected a white marble monument 
to their mother's memory. Josephine is represented on her knees praying. 
The inscription is touchingly brief and expressive : "A Josephine, Eugdne 
et Hortense." '•* 2,000,000 francs : ;{8o,ooo. 

y 



338 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

This sad business kept Eugene longer in France than he 
had expected. He sent one or two small souvenirs of his 
mother to his wife ; they included a few trinkets and a lock 
of hair enclosed in a locket. For his children he sent some 
little black frocks trimmed with crape, as well as six em- 
broidered dresses for his little sisters-in-law. He pensioned 
off all his mother's servitors, including a woman called " the 
good Mimi," whom Josephine had brought with her from 
Martinique when she married the heau danseur. This woman 
had also been Eugene's nurse. There was also a former con- 
ventionnel, a. certain M. Breval, who had been able to render 
valuable services to Mme. de Beauharnais during the Reign 
of Terror : Eugene took care to see that he was not forgotten. 
While staying with his sister at Saint-Leu, Eugene did his 
best to influence her to grant a very natural request which 
her husband had just made, namely : that he might be allowed 
to have the care of his eldest child. But Hortense had in- 
herited her mother's obstinacy ; she refused. Eugene might 
well say of her : 

" Hortense, you are very good-natured, very kind-hearted, 
highly gifted ; you possess all the virtues of your own sex 
and many of the qualities belonging to mine. ... I should 
think you quite perfect if you did not sometimes strike me 
as being rather self-willed." 

Before returning to Munich Eugene received a visit from 
his old friend, the comte de Lavalette, who, knowing his 
devotion to the unfortunate Emperor, had come to beg him 
to take care of a sum of 800,000 francs,^ which he wished to 
send to his beloved master. Lavalette had had no news of 
the Emperor since the latter had landed on his rock-girt 
kingdom, where he guessed money was not too plentiful. 
This sum represented part of a treasure of 1,600,000 francs, ^ 
which Napoleon, before starting for his disastrous Russian 
campaign, had asked Lavalette to put in a safe place, ready 
for a rainy day. Lavalette had hit upon a very ingenious 
hiding-place. He had several boxes resembling books made ; 
the gold was placed in these boxes, which were then arranged 
in rows on the upper shelves of Lavalette's bookcases. 

Of course Eugene accepted the trust. However, he was 
not called upon to move in the matter until Elba had been 
exchanged for Saint Helena, 

1 800,000 francs : ;£32,ooo. ^ 1,600,000 francs : ^^64,000. 



CHAPTER XIV 

Eugene returns to Munich— He goes to Vienna in the hope of receiving 
a position — The Eagle prepares to spread his wings again— The comet 
of the Cent-Jours flashes across the political horizon — Fifteen thou- 
sand veterans reply to the Emperor's call — Eugene, having given his 
word to remain passive, is unable to join his step-father — Eugene gets 
into trouble — He is offered the principality of Ponte-Corvo — He 
accepts part of the offer — -Napoleon prepares for another fiasco — 
Waterloo—Napoleon looks his last upon France — Eugene tries to 
soften the fate of the prisoner on the island of Saint Helena — Eugene 
is able to succour some victims of the Terreur blanche. 

AT last, on June 17th, 1814, Eugene was free to return to 
Ix. Augusta and the little ones. He spent the summer 
with his family, and only made a short visit to his sister, 
who, like her mother, was fond of cures, and was dosing 
herself and dabbling in politics at Baden. During that 
visit Eugene and Hortense had many long and private 
conversations together. What the subject of those con- 
versations was nobody was ever able to discover, but it 
was probably not unconnected with a certain resurrection 
which, a few months later, proved to Europe that France 
had not forgotten her petit caporal ; nay, more ! that the 
Emperor Napoleon was still loved — and regretted. 

As the allied sovereigns had decided that Eugene was to be 
present at the Congress of Vienna, he left Munich on Sep- 
tember 25th, travelling to the Austrian capital by way of 
Salzburg, Leoben, Bruck and the Semmering Pass. On 
reaching Vienna, where he was lodged in the palace of Duke 
Albert of Saxe-Teschen,^ he received a fairly cordial welcome 
from the Emperor Francis I. He probably owed this fact to 
his father-in-law, who was also in Vienna at that time, and 
who certainly did his best for the ex- viceroy. But then was it 
not to his interest to do so ? Royal families are costly 

^ Saxe-Teschen, Albert von (1738-1822) : son of Augustus III, Elector of 
Saxony and King of Poland, married Christina, daughter of Francis I of 
Austria, was made Governor of the Austrian possessions in the Nether- 
lands. In 1792, after the insurrection of 1789, he besieged Lille, but was 
unsuccessful and unable to prevent the French obtaining possession of 
Belgium. He retired to Vienna in 1795, and passed the rest of his hfe as 
an amateur of art. 

339 



340 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

luxuries, and Eugene and Augusta already had five children 
to provide for. Eugene had other friends, the above-named 
Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen, Prince Esterhazy,^ his old foe 
the Archduke Johann, the Duke of Saxe-Coburg,^ the Count 
de Goes, and two foreigners with French names : the Prince de 
Rohan-Guemene^ and the Prince de Eigne. ^ But Eugene's 
most powerful partisan was the Czar of Russia, an un- 
fortunate fact, for Francis I of Austria was not friendly with 
his neighbour, and he showed his spite by trying to push 
Eugene, that neighbour's protege, on one side. And then 
Eugene's intransigeance in the matter of honour was distaste- 
ful to Talleyrand and Metternich, who were all-powerful in 
those days. 

On December 31st, 1814, Eugene wrote the following letter 
to his Augusta. It might almost be called a love-letter, so full 
is it of tender solicitude for the wife who had helped him to 
bear the burden of the passing year : 

" Vienna, December -^ist, 1814. 
" My dear Augusta — We now stand on the threshold of 
another year. It is painful to be separated from one another 
at such a time when we love one another, but it is a con- 
solation to think of our happy married life. I can say with 
pride and thankfulness that no one could have been more 
happy than I have been with you for the last eight years ; 
and it will always be so, therefore I need not fear the flight of 
years. Our little ones are growing fast, they are the source of 
great pleasure to us, and are in good health. How many 
reasons we have to thank God for all the happiness which has 
fallen to our lot ! , . ." 

^ von Esterhazy, Nicolas (1765-1S33): refused the crown of Hungary 
which the Emperor Napoleon offered him in i8og. He collected the 
celebrated pictures in the Gartenpalast in Vienna. 

2 Saxe-Coburg, Frederick Josias, duke of (1737-1815): served in the 
Austrian army diiring the first coalition against France in 1792, won 
the Battle of Nerwinde over Dumouriez (1793), and obliged the latter to 
evacuate Belgium. However, he was afterwards beaten by Moreau at 
Tourcoing and again at Fleurus by Jourdan, in consequence of which 
two defeats he left the army. 

* A member of the Austrian branch of the Rohan-Guemene family. 

* de Ligne, Charles, prince (1735-1814): entered the Austrian army 
at the age of seventeen, distinguished himself during the Seven Years' 
War ; was sent on a mission to Russia where he became one of the Empress 
Catherine's numerous lovers ; she gave him an estate in the Crimea and 
made him field-marshal. He died soon after making Eugene's acquaint- 
ance. 



THE REIGN OF CENT-JOURS 341 

Several questions had to be settled at the Congress of 
Vienna : the question as to how Httle they could give Eugene 
was not one of the least difficult to decide. The Ionian Isles, 
containing 200,000 inhabitants, were mentioned — rather a 
poor exchange for the viceroyship of Italy. 

In the middle of February, 1815, Metternich informed the 
Prince von Wrede, the King of Bavaria's representative, that 
his royal master would offer no objections to anything the 
King of Bavaria might wish to do for his son-in-law — which 
was a polite hint to the effect that Maximilian- Joseph had 
better look after his own family. 

But there was one person who was plotting not only for his 
own future, but for Eugene's too, and that person was 
Napoleon, the proud eagle who, having found captivity irk- 
some, was about to spread his wings and soar back to his 
aerie and — wonder of wonders ! — find thousands to welcome 
him. 

Fleury de Chaboulon, the secret messenger of the due de 
Bassano, and one of the few who had remained faithful to 
the Emperor, tells us in his memoirs that, while in conversa- 
tion with Napoleon during the latter's captivity on the Island 
of Elba, the Emperor said a propos of his return to France : 
" I would allow Italy to have the choice of independence or 
Eugene. Mejean and some other fellows did harm to his cause 
there. Nevertheless, the Italians love and esteem him very 
highly. He is made to be loved and esteemed, for he has 
shown us that he has a noble disposition." 

And now began that most extraordinary wonder, the 
reign of the Cent-Joiifs. 

The Emperor Alexander had read the character of Louis 
XVIII aright. To this obstinate, weak-minded king, and his 
clumsy efforts at governing, Napoleon owed not a few of the 
supporters whom he found to welcome him on returning to 
France. 

But then Napoleon had never ceased to be the soldiers' 
hero. There is a quaint old song, a mixture of German and 
French, dating from the Napoleonic epoch, which is still to 
be found among collections of folk-songs on the Continent, 
and which, if my readers will forgive me, I will reproduce, as 
it, perhaps better than anything else, shows the spirit which 
reigned among the Emperor's vieux grognards : 



342 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

"THE OLD WOODEN LEG.i 

" In France was I born, in France was I bred. 
The home of fair women and wine. 
My name is Jean Grillon, mesdames, 
My pride is my old wooden leg. 
Tobacco, fresh air and potatoes 
Are all that an old soldier asks. 
And if on his breast he weareth the Cross 
To his grave he will go with a smile. 

" Think ye that I love not the fair sex ? 
Then are y& mistaken, forsooth ! 
The old wooden peg may go lamely. 
But the lips are still ready to kiss. 
I laugh and I sing and full often 
Crack jokes with my old wooden leg. 
My pegs may be worn out with service 
But the top of me's lively as aye ! 

" So we hobble through life aU undaunted. 
Poor Jean and his old wooden leg. 
Kings, emperors and princes are proud to house 
Brave Jean and his old wooden leg. 
When Death reads the roll-call of honour. 
And the time comes to lay down my arms. 
Saint Peter will utter the word of command : 
' Make room for that old wooden leg ! ' " 

1 " DIE 'OLZERNE BEIN. 
" Ick bin ein Franzose, mes Dames ! 
VoU Muth wie Champagner Wein ; 
Jean Grillon das seind mein Name, 
Mein Stolz sein die 'olzerne Bein ! 
Luft, Wasser, un pommes de terre, 
Mehr brauck ick nix lustick zu sein, 
Der Plas wo ick steck und das Ehre 
Des braven Soldaten is mein ! 

"Glaubt ihr dass ick Kiisse nix gebe, 
So triigt euch unendlicker Schein, 
Man brauckt ja so wahr als ick lebe, 
Zum Kiisse die Maul, nix die Bein ! 
Ick scherze, ick singe, ick kose 
Comme ga mit die 'olzerne Bein ; 
Denn oberhalb bin ick Franzose, 
Un war' ick auck unten von Stein. 

"So'inke ick frohlick durk's Leben, 
Comme 9a mit die 'olzerne Bein ; 
Un Kaiser un Konige geben mir Plas, 
Ja, Plas fiir die 'olzerne Bein ! 
Un sterb ick, un war' es auck 'eute, 
Marschier' ick zum Immelsthor ein. 
Saint Pierre kommandirt dan : 
Ihr Leute, mack's Plas fiir die 'olzerne Bein ! " 



REPLY TO THE EMPEROR'S CALL 343 

Fifteen thousand veterans answered to the call of the 
people's Emperor and marched into Fontainebleau with him. 
As he advanced towards Paris, the people, growing more con- 
fident, joined his army in large numbers. The capital was 
entered without a single drop of blood being shed. 

The scene enacted at the Tuileries, as recounted in Charles 
Bernard-Derosne's Memoires sur la Reine Hortense, is 
worthy of reproduction : 

" March 20th, 1815. The Emperor found many of his 
former ministers, generals and courtiers assembled at the 
Tuileries. They were all eager to see their old master. A huge 
crowd had gathered at the foot of the staircase and in the 
corridors of the imperial residence. 

" The Emperor was lifted off his feet and borne above the 
heads of the thousands of spectators to his former apart- 
ments. Deafening cries of ' Vive I'Empereur ! ' were heard 
on all sides. 

" On entering his private apartments, the Emperor was 
received by Queen Julie, Joseph Bonaparte's wife, and by 
Hortense, who had at last left her hiding-place in order to 
come to the Tuileries and receive Napoleon. 

" The Emperor bowed coldly to Hortense and asked after 
her sons' health in rather an off-hand manner, adding in a 
tone of reproach : 

" ' You have placed my nephews in a false position by 
leaving them in the midst of my enemies ! ' 

" Hortense turned pale ; tears filled her eyes, but the 
Emperor did not seem to notice this fact. 

" ' You have accepted kindness from the hands of my 
enemies,' Napoleon continued, ' and you are under obliga- 
tions to the Bourbons. But I am counting upon Eugene. I 
hope he will soon be here. I have already written to him 
from Lyons,' ..." 

Alas ! on the first news of the Emperor's escape from Elba, 
the King of Bavaria had extracted a promise from his son- 
in-law that he would remain passive. The allied sovereigns' 
manifesto declaring Napoleon an outlaw was received with 
derision by his partisans, and was answered by an imperial 
manifesto, in which the Emperor said that he had been re- 
called to the throne by the entire French nation — which was 
rather an exaggeration, for Louis XVHI, the Bourbon, and 



344 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

the d'Orleans princelets — the latter always dogging the 
formers' steps, ready to snatch the kingdom out of their 
clutches — had rushed to the Belgian frontier in a most un- 
dignified hurry, and had not gone unaccompanied : there 
were too many nobles who owed their titles to the returning 
Emperor, and dreaded retribution, for that to be possible. 
The Empress of Austria was giving a fete in Vienna when 
the news that the Emperor had left his rock-bound kingdom 
and had returned to the people whom he had loved so well 
reached the Austrian capital. As Eugene happened not to be 
at this fete, his absence was interpreted as a proof of his 
complicity with the Emperor. The first intimation he re- 
ceived of the fact that his adoptive father had come to 
his own again was when, on returning to Duke Albert of 
Saxe-Teschen's house at midnight, he found the palace sur- 
rounded by spies, placed there on his account. These pre- 
cautions show that, although the Emperor and many 
another had found it in their hearts to doubt Eugene's 
fidelity, Austria, that Emperor's old and perhaps most 
bitter enemy, knew that he had not a truer friend than the 
ex- viceroy. 

The news of Napoleon's return was an unpleasant surprise. 
Before three hours had elapsed, a meeting was called, to 
which emperors, kings, princes and dukes flocked as if the 
Emperor had already begun to invade their respective 
territories. Every diplomatist in Vienna attended the 
meeting ready to give an opinion. The Czar Alexander, 
panic-stricken, proposed that " severe measures " should be 
taken. 

We learn from one of Eugene's letters to Augusta that he 
had received the great news with mingled feelings : 

" Vienna, March gth, 1815. 

" My good Augusta — Can you imagine anything more 
extraordinary than what has just happened ? The Emperor 
has contrived to escape from the Island of Elba. Some say 
that he is going to France, others declare that he is about to 
join the King ofi^sTaples. Certainly nothing more disastrous 
could have happened to us. We were about to see our hopes 
realized ; the Congress was drawing to a close ; our fate and 
that of our children was about to be decided. Now matters 



WATCHED BY THE POLICE 345 

will probably be concluded in a hurry, but I much fear that 
they will make the Emperor's escape an excuse to do nothing 
for me. They will take good care to remind one another of 
my devotion to the Emperor and of my efforts for his cause. 
Nobody will realize that it was my duty to serve him, and 
that I did so faithfully ; and that if it were my duty to do so 
to-day, I would do it faithfully, as I did before ; hut I will 
never fight against France. The Emperor Alexander is the 
only person who understands me, and he knows me. . . . 
Yesterday he promised not to abandon me. If it is true that 
the Emperor has returned to France, my poor country will 
experience all the horrors of civil war. I tremble for her 
fate. . . ." 

How we wish that Eugene had had the courage to break 
his promise to do nothing towards re-establishing his adop- 
tive father on the throne of France ! As Eugene's next 
letters to his wife contain repeated assurances that he will 
not fight against his fatherland, we may conclude that he 
had been begged, and, perhaps as in 1814, bribes had been 
offered to him to turn traitor. Eugene's movements about 
this time were most carefully noted. Five police spies 
watched night and day outside the Duke Albert of Saxe- 
Teschen's palace, followed him wherever he went, and even 
slept in a cab at the door, lest he should try and escape at 
night. At the very time when the allied sovereigns were 
outwardly most polite to Eugene, they were ordering fresh 
spies to watch his every movement. Not only were his letters 
confiscated and opened, but those of his wife and sister were 
subjected to the same treatment. 

Augusta, in the beginning of April, rather imprudently 
gave permission to one of her French grooms to visit his 
relations in France, All went well until he was returning, 
when at Stuttgard he was arrested by the police on the plea 
of carrying secret despatches for Eugene. He was taken to 
Vienna, and the despatches, numbering five or six, were 
seized, copied and read to the assembled sovereigns. There 
were two letters from Hortense, in which the duchess de 
Saint -Leu made no secret of her delight at seeing the 
Emperor in his proper place again. We quote from one of 
these letters : 



346 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

" My dear Eugene — You cannot imagine what enthusiasm 
the Emperor's return to France has aroused. I have just 
seen him. He received me very coldly. I think he dis- 
approves of my having remained here (in Paris). He told 
me that he counted upon you, and that he had written to 
you from Lyons. Good God ! I hope we shall not have 
another war ! I do not think that the Emperor of Russia 
will take the offensive, for he much regretted the last war. 
I implore him to leave us in peace. Do you use your in- 
fluence with him. By so doing you will serve the cause of 
humanity, I was obliged to hide for twelve days. Horrible 
calumnies had been circulated about me. Adieu, I am half- 
dead with fatigue." 

In the second letter Hortense told Eugene that their step- 
father intended to bring Marie-Louise and the little King of 
Rome back to France, and that he was going to meet them 
at Strasburg. This letter, unfortunately, concluded with 
some unflattering remarks concerning the mental capacity of 
Eugene's protector, the Czar of Russia. She said, among 
other things, that he had no wit, no character, that it was 
easy to flatter him, and that she could twist him around her 
little finger. The other letters were from Lavalette, the 
chevalier Soulanges and Baron Darnay's brother. One and 
all expressed delight at the Emperor's return, and one and 
all wrote as if Eugene knew nothing about the matter. We 
can imagine the various expressions depicted upon the faces 
of the assembled sovereigns. Several Ministers loudly de- 
manded that Eugene should be arrested. Alexander was 
most to be pitied, for after having been laughed at by the 
duchesse de Saint-Leu, whom he had gone out of his way to 
patronize, he was now blamed for protecting her brother. 
But nobody, and least of all an Emperor, likes to be told he 
is a simpleton. We are not surprised to learn that Alexander 
on the morrow sent the despatches open to Eugene, and said 
that he desired to have nothing more to do with either 
brother or sister. 

One consequence of this incident was a rumour which said 
that Eugene and his unfortunate family were about to be 
imprisoned in a fortress in Austria or Hungary. 

On receiving the despatches open, Eugene saw what had 
happened, and wrote to his protector, regretting that their 



EUG£NE returns to MUNICH 347 

friendship should have come to such an untimely end, 
saying that he wished to leave Vienna immediately, and that 
he had already asked for passports for himself and his 
father-in-law. He concluded by begging his friend to re- 
read the despatches, adding that if he did so he would see 
that Eugene did not know of Napoleon's return until it was 
an accomplished fact. Alexander took his advice and re- 
read the letters. A second reading showed him that Eugene 
had told the truth. He sent for him, and an affectionate in- 
terview took place, when Alexander confessed that he had 
been mistaken, and ended by embracing him and promising 
to continue to protect his interests. We do not know whether 
he ever forgave Hortense for her unkind remarks. 

The Congress, notwithstanding its terror at the Ogre's 
return, made prodigious efforts to attend to the most 
pressing business. Eugene was offered the principality of 
Ponte-Corvo, ^ to which, should he accept it, more territory 
was to be added. But he was not even to have this princi- 
pality unconditionally ; he was only to reside there when 
agreeable to the Emperor of Austria. The Congress, to put a 
finishing touch to this generous offer, was so kind as to offer 
to " throw in " the half-ruined Castle of Bayreuth, whither 
Eugene could retire when the landlord of Ponte-Corvo, the 
Emperor of Austria, wanted his tenant out of the way, 

Eugene was wise enough to accept the Castle of Bayreuth 
without the principality of Ponte-Corvo. It was his intention 
to wait there until something better should turn up. 

At last, on April 7th, Eugene was allowed to return with 
his father-in-law to Munich, but not before he had again 
given his word of honour that he would neither go to France 
nor participate in any way in the final struggle which was 
about to take place. 

The Emperor inaugurated his second tenancy at the 
Tuileries with several changes. He annulled the most in- 
efficient of Louis XVIII's ordinances, dissolved the two 
Chambers, and named a new Ministry. Eleven months of 
confinement and reflection must have clipped the wings of 
his ambition, for he now declared that it was his intention to 
content himself with France's hmits as settled by the Peace 

1 Ponte-Corvo had been given to Bernadotte by Napoleon ; the 
future King of Sweden had forfeited this httle principaUty by his disloyal 
conduct in 1812. 



348 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

of Paris, and that he would estabhsh his government on 
liberal lines. 

He found time to go and breakfast one day at La Mal- 
maison, where his first wife had breathed her last. While 
there he visited the very picture gallery in which was 
enacted the scene recounted by us in Chapter III. The 
pictures in this gallery had been taken by the Emperor from 
the different towns through which his troops had once 
marched victorious, and had been given to Josephine, who 
had bequeathed them to Eugene and Hortense. 

A strange conversation concerning these pictures took 
place between the Emperor and M. jDenon,^ to whom had 
been entrusted the care of organizing the imperial picture 
galleries long ago, during the early days of the Empire. 

" How much are these pictures worth ? " asked the 
Emperor of M. Denon. 

At the large sum mentioned by M. Denon, Napoleon 
uttered an exclamation of surprise : 

" Are they worth as much as that ? Ah ! if I had known 
that they were so valuable, I would not have given them to 
Josephine. I am sorry they are not in the Louvre. We must 
buy them ; they are quite fine enough to become national 
property." 

The above conversation shows Napoleon in a very strange 
and very mean light. 

By the fortunes of war, however, a few months later these 
pictures, on the second invasion of the capital by the Allies, 
were removed by the Czar's commands to his own lodging, 
notwithstanding the protests of the Elector of CasseP (who 
declared he had more right to them), and purchased by him 
from Eugene and Hortense. 

Napoleon bore Eugene no spite for not hurrying to wel- 
come him back to his throne. And yet we ourselves would 
have gladly seen him there at the Tuileries, amid the little 

^ Denon, Dominique Vivant, baron (1747-1825): was first charge 
d'affaires at Naples, accompanied General Bonaparte to Egj^pt, became a 
celebrated antiquary. He was also a clever draughtsman ; he it was who 
designed the column on the place Vendome. 

^ Hesse-Cassel, Wilhelm IX, landgrave of (1743-1821) : lost Saint-Goar 
and Rheinf els by the Treaty of Luneville. He received the title of Elector 
in 1803, whereupon he took the name of Wilhelm I. His territory was 
invaded by French troops in 1806 in consequence of his disloyal behaviour, 
and his estates divided between Westphaha and the grand-duchy of 
Frankfort. He received them back in 181 3-1 4 and kept the title of Elector. 



NAPOLEON'S SUGGESTION 349 

circle of servitors who had no cause to dread their master's 
return, and that crowd of obsequious courtiers who had 
suddenly remembered that they had never had a kinder 
master than the now once more successful Emperor. Did not 
Napoleon say in a letter written in May, 1817, from the Cape 
of Good Hope, that " his return from the Island of Elba was 
justified by the fact that the allied sovereigns, notwith- 
standing the clause contained in the Treaty of Fontainebleau, 
had not kept their promise to provide Prince Eugene with a 
suitable position such as a principality in Italy or Germany, 
but, at the instigation of the partisans of the Bourbon cause, 
had deliberately pushed him on one side " ? So little spite, in 
fact, did Napoleon bear Eugene for holding aloof at a time 
when he needed as many brave fellows around him as 
possible, that in May he, in the hope of conciliating the 
allied sovereigns, actually thought seriously of abdicating 
in favour of Eugene, who would then have been made Regent. 
With this view in his mind, he charged M. Fleury de Cha- 
boulon to sound the allied sovereigns as to their opinion. 
He gave as his reason : 

" I should much like to know the allied sovereigns' 
opinion of Eugene, and whether they would feel disposed to 
place him at the head of affairs as Regent, supposing I were 
to perish on the battle-field." 

M. de Chaboulon, therefore, had an interview with 
Metternich's representative, Baron Werner, when Napoleon's 
ambassador said : 

" I only know one person, one soldier, who could be placed 
with safety at the head of the Government ; that person is 
Eugene, the Prince who in 1814 said in a memorable pro- 
clamation : ' Only they are immortal who know how to live 
and die faithful to their vows and to their duty, faithful to 
gratitude and honour.' This Prince, far from aspiring to the 
throne, would, on the contrary, fight for it and thus shed 
glory on it. But perhaps his family ties and duties would 
prevent him leaving Bavaria ; and then perhaps the allied 
sovereigns would not like the affairs of France to be con- 
fided to him ? What do you think about the matter ? " 

But Werner had not played second fiddle to Metternich 
without learning some of the tricks of the trade. He con- 
tented himself with saying that " the question was so un- 



350 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

expected that he could not give an opinion either one way 
or the other." 

One of Napoleon's last kind acts towards the members of 
his family was to make his four brothers, his uncle Cardinal 
Fesch, and his step-son Eugene, members of the new Chambre 
des pairs, which kind act was accomplished in June, only a 
few days before the final eclipse. 

Few people were more crushed and grieved by the news of 
the disaster at Waterloo than Eugene was. That disaster 
was not unexpected. 

What a bitter moment it was to Napoleon when, realizing 
that his star had set never to rise again, he courted death 
and found it not ! Brave soldiers fell dead to the right of him, 
to the left of him ; fell dead at his feet, behind his back. But, 
as he had once said in his BlUtezeit : " The bullet which was 
to kill him had not been cast." With what an agony of 
remorse Napoleon remarked afterwards that " he seemed 
to bear a charmed life on that fatal day ! " 

Before leaving France for ever, the broken-hearted 
Emperor drove down to La Malmaison to bid adieu to that 
lovely spot where he and the wife of his youth had spent so 
many happy days. With his face distorted with grief, he 
paced up and down the gravel path of the Avenue des 
Tilleuls leading to the little arbour with its latticed windows 
wherein he had so often worked, amid a concert performed 
by the numerous feathered inhabitants of that garden of 
Eden ; with the golden sunbeams weaving ever-changing 
arabesques on the path outside ; and the warm summer 
breeze, sweet with the odours of those myriads of heavily 
scented flowers which the Creole preferred to all others, was 
wafted across the garden his Josephine had loved so well. 
And to-day those birds were as melodious, the sunbeams as 
bright, and the flowers as sweet as they had ever been in the 
dead past. 

What were Napoleon's thoughts ? May it never be our fate 
to think such thoughts ! Did he see a graceful figure clad in 
fluttering muslin garments wandering along the mossy path 
leading to the Templed' Amour? No one dared to speak to him 
during that brief hour when he stood alone and saw the Past 
pass before his eyes as distinctly as he had stood and watched 
his Grand Army pass with waving banners and plumes on 



AFFAIRS IN FRANCE 351 

the flace du Carrousel, sjid as he had once seen the smoke from 
burning Moscow roll across the horizon, and had shuddered 
at the sight. In such a moment, when we look Grief in the 
face, the dearest friend can do but little to assuage the pain ; 
but we wish that Eugene had been there. 

And then the Emperor started for that other island which, 
if we believe some historians, was the most charming resi- 
dence on the face of the globe, and possessed of an ideal 
climate ; indeed it would seem as if Napoleon ought to have 
considered himself a very lucky person to have such a 
pleasant shelter for his old age. 

For the second time Alexander entered the French capital 
as a conqueror. 

The French nation was now asking itself who would take 
the direction of affairs, and try to restore order in France. 
So high did Eugene stand in the people's esteem, that many 
would have liked to have seen him given an important 
position in the new Government. Though the cry of " We 
want no more Bourbons ! " was heard, not only in the poor 
quarters of Paris, but in some of the highest circles, the 
people were still too weak to get their way. History tells us 
how the Bourbons returned, and how long they managed to 
keep at the head of affairs. 

The due d'Orleans (later Louis-Philippe), true to the 
traditions of his house, was hovering about on the political 
horizon, ready to sacrifice himself and fly to the rescue of 
France, should he see the smallest loophole through which 
he could squeeze his uncrowned head. Eugene was sounded 
by him and asked whether he would give his support to the 
Bourbons' rival. Whereupon Eugene replied that all his in- 
fluence would be placed at the disposal of his benefactor's 
son, the King of Rome. 

Having disposed of Napoleon and facilitated Louis XVIII's 
return to his fatherland, the allied sovereigns found them- 
selves at leisure to attend to other and less important 
business. However, when it came to the point of deciding 
where Eugene was to dwell, they, with one accord, discovered 
that they had not even so much as a square mile of territory 
of which to dispose. But on his father-in-law insisting that 
he should be given some dominions, no matter how small, it 
was decided that a principality numbering 50,000 souls 



352 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

should be offered to him in the kingdom of Naples. Perhaps 
the allied sovereigns dreaded lest Eugene should be attacked 
by the folie des splendeurs which had cursed his step-father's 
career, for the King of Bavaria was recommended to try and 
persuade Eugene not to accept the offer. Maximilian did so, 
promising to Eugene that if he would renounce the princi- 
pality in Italy, he should receive the sum of twelve million 
francs 1 as an indemnity. 

Since 1814 Eugene had allowed himself to be influenced by 
his wife and his father-in-law ; it was probably at his wife's 
advice that he accepted this indemnity, which was to be 
provided by the Papal States. 

While the question was still being discussed, the Czar of 
Russia came to Munich and made the acquaintance of 
Augusta and her little ones. 

Eugene's liberality, which was extended not only towards 
his exiled compatriots, but towards many Italian and Polish 
soldiers who had fought under the Imperial eagle, ought to 
have put the allied sovereigns to shame. Baron Darnay, who, 
as Eugene's secretary, knew pretty well everything his 
master did, affirms that he gave as much as one million 
francs 2 in charity in 1815, and sixty thousand francs^ in the 
following year. 

The Emperor Napoleon, we are told by historians, spent 
much of his time in his new prison in recounting and com- 
menting upon his relations and former servitors' good deeds, 
qualities and failings. Of Marmont and Fouche, both of 
whom were inimical to Eugene, he said : 

" The two men who helped to compass my downfall were 
Marmont, who, in 1814, deprived me of the army with which 
I was about to destroy the coalition in Paris ; and Fouche, 
who, in 1815, excited the Chamber against me. The real 
traitors, if I owed my downfall to anybody, were those two 
men." 

Speaking of Josephine, he said : 

" My poor Josephine ! . . . she had set her heart upon seeing 
me adopt Eugene, and that was the cause of all her disputes 
with my brothers and sisters. Never did she ask me anything 
for her son ; never, with that perfect tact for which she was 

^ 12,000,000 francs : ;£48o,ooo. ^ 1,000,000 francs : ^40,000. 

^ 60,000 francs : ;^2,40o. 



MUCH SUFFERING 353 

so well known, did she thank me for what I did for him, so 
anxious was she to convince me that it was not to her interest 
but to mine to see that Eugene succeeded." 

It is pleasant to hear that the Emperor valued Eugene as 
he deserved to be valued. Did not even stern old Madame 
Mere, whom no one can accuse of being partial to Josephine's 
belongings, say of the adoftifs, as she called them : " They 
showed their affection for the Emperor and their zeal for his 
cause in a very effectual manner " ? 

" They put his own relations to shame ! " said others. 

But the greatest praise Eugene ever earned from anybody 
was when the Emperor said, as he often did during those last 
miserable years : 

" Eugene has never caused me a moment's sorrow ! " 

Napoleon's downfall involved others besides himself ; all 
his nearest and dearest suffered more or less with him. Few 
were so lucky as Eugene, whose father-in-law continued to 
work for his interests. Hortense, for instance, found herself 
in a truly pitiable condition ; alone, with her two little boys, 
deprived through her own fault of her husband's protection, 
often in real want, she was driven from Paris and forced to 
seek shelter first in Germany, then in Italy and Switzerland. 
She showed her good feeling by refusing all her brother's 
offers of assistance, dreading lest she should injure his cause 
in Bavaria. And yet it would have been better for her, as the 
Bishop of Constance said, if she had allowed her brother to 
guide her in her future career. 

The autumn of 1815 saw Eugene but little nearer obtaining 
the territory which had been promised to him. It speaks well 
for Eugene that Pius VII offered to help him obtain the in- 
demnity which he was to receive for relinquishing his claim 
to a principality in Italy. 

At last, in November, the foreign powers sent instructions 
to their representatives in Naples to carry out the agreement. 
Eugene, for his part, sent the comte Re and Baron Bataille. 
The latter was to go to Milan and dispose of Eugene's per- 
sonal belongings, such as they were, which he had been un- 
able to take away with him, owing to his sudden departure. 
So much did Austria dread lest the Itahans should wish to 
have their viceroy back again, that her representative had 



354 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

orders to buy up all the souvenirs of his brief sojourn in 
their midst. 

At the time of Eugene's departure there was a sum of 
2,700,000^ francs in the Italian treasury, but he was never 
able to obtain so much as one soldo of this money. As for the 
indemnity, the payment of which was to extend over a long 
period, it dwindled, upon examination, in a miraculous manner 
and eventually shrunk to half its size, and that was all the 
protection of three such powerful persons as an Emperor, a 
King and a Pope was worth. Many victims of the Terreur 
blanche had cause to be grateful to Eugene. Among these 
was Lavalette, who, in consequence of his fidelity to his 
Emperor's cause and his efforts to prolong the Cent- Jours, 
had become an object of odium to the Bourbons, This ex- 
cellent creature had already suffered for his devotion to the 
Emperor when that Emperor was exiled for the first 
time. 

In the spring of 1816 he was lying in the Conciergerie under 
sentence of death for the rare crime of fidelity to a lost 
cause, when his wife, nee Emilie de Beauharnais, whom my 
readers have already met, managed to obtain admittance to 
his cell. As soon as she found herself alone with her husband, 
she made him change clothes with her. Having left the 
prison thus disguised, Lavalette, with the aid of Sir R, 
Wilson 2 and two English officers, Messrs. Hutchinson and 
Bruce — all honour to their memory ! — was able to escape 
over the French frontier. 

There were many who rejoiced to learn that Lavalette had 
escaped the fate of Mouton-Duvernet ;3 the King of Bavaria, 

^ 2,700,000 francs : ^^108,000. 
' ■• ^ Sir Robert Wilson (1777-1849) : began life as a solicitor, but soon left 
this occupation in order to go to Flanders as a volunteer. He saw service 
in Ireland, made the campaigns of Holland and Egypt, then visited 
Brazil with Baird, and was present at the capture of the Cape of Good 
Hope. He pursued his military career in Spain, Portugal, Germany and 
Russia, and won praise and honours for himself. His hatred for Napoleon 
did not prevent him succouring the Tyrant's faithful servitor. He became 
unpopular with a certain class in England in consequence of his behaviour 
at Queen Caroline's funeral ; all his foreign orders were taken away from 
him and he lost his rank in the army. A public subscription, however, 
showed him that he was not without sympathizers ; a few years later his 
rank and his orders were restored to him. A Member of Parliament for 
several years, he was finally given the post of Governor of Gibraltar. 

* Mouton-Duvernet, Barthelemy, baron (1769-18 16) : fought bravely 
with Napoleon in Italy, Prussia, Poland and Spain. During the Res- 
toration, he was made commander of Valence, but hastened to join the 



SUCCOURS SOME VICTIMS 355 

for instance, on learning that his son-in-law's friend had 
escaped, exclaimed : 

" He can come to me ; I'll take care of him ! " 

But the news of his evasion cannot have been so pleasant 
to the duchesse d'Angouleme,^ who, when Mme. Lavalette, 
having with great difficulty obtained an audience, flung her- 
self, half distracted with grief, at the feet of the woman who 
could not forget, and with tears and sobs prayed her to save 
her husband's life, had made a violent movement in order 
to get out of the poor creature's way, and had given her a 
look of indescribable hatred. 

On the escape of Lavalette being discovered, Mme. Lava- 
lette and her little girl's governess, who had helped to rescue 
her pupil's father, were arrested, together with Sir R. Wilson 
and Messrs. Hutchinson and Bruce. The two ladies were 
afterwards acquitted. Mr. Bruce was sentenced to three 
months' imprisonment. But the strain endured by Mme. 
Lavalette while saving her husband's life was too much for 
that noble woman, and her reason gave way. She never re- 
covered her senses. 

M. and Mme. Lavalette enjoyed much popularity in 
England, where their portraits were sold in the streets. 
Hutchinson's father was so proud of his son's share in Lava- 
lette's escape that he left him £80,000 in his will. 

At the King of Bavaria's request Lavalette went to 
Munich ; but fearing that he should not be in safety in such 
a big town, he, at Eugene's recommendation, went to Starn- 
berg on the Wiirmsee, about seven leagues from Munich. 
Twice a week Eugene came to see him in his hiding-place, a 
gamekeeper's hut, and bring him newspapers and books. 
The Bourbon spies, however, seem to have been quite as 
clever as Napoleon's spies, for they soon discovered that 
Lavalette was in Bavaria, and they ordered the king to give 

Emperor during the Cent- J ours. He proposed after Waterloo that the 
King of Rome should be proclaimed Emperor. On the return of Louis 
XVIII he was arrested, condemned to death and shot. 

1 d'Angouleme, Marie-Therese-Charlotte (1778-1851): known as the 
Prisoner of the Temple. Having been released after seeing her parents, 
brother and aunt fall victims of the Revolution, she joined her uncle, 
Louis XVIII, at Mittau. Her marriage to her cousin was unproductive of 
happiness to either party. Her struggles for her family's cause drew forth 
the famous remark from Napoleon : " She is the only man of her family." 
After 1830 she accompanied her relations to Frohsdorf, where she devoted 
herself to the education of her fatherless nephew, the due de Bordeaux. 



356 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

him up. Maximilian swore that the escaped man was not in 
Munich, and at the same time sent word to his guest to move 
farther away. Lavalette, therefore, took refuge in a gar- 
dener's cottage, situated about one league distant from the 
king's summer residence, Schloss Berg, later the scene of the 
tragedy with which Ludwig II of Bavaria^ ended his life. 

In the month of July, 1816, the King of Bavaria came with 
his whole family, including Eugene and his family, to spend 
the summer at this castle, when Lavalette was able to pass 
nearly all his time with his friend, only returning to the 
gardener's cottage at night, lest he should be surprised. But 
Lavalette was to have one alarm. The very day of his de- 
parture for the gardener's cottage, two French officers asked 
to be admitted to Eugene's guard of honour. Thinking that 
they were spies, Eugene refused to see them, saying that 
he " had no guard of honour, and that they had better go 
and find other dupes than him." The two officers, two 
brothers, MM. Bacheville, furious at this reception, returned 
to Munich and complained of Eugene's behaviour. The 
latter was overcome with remorse for his brusqueness, when 
it was proved that his two compatriots were not spies, but 
that they, like Lavalette, had been condemned to death, and 
had managed to escape. He afterwards sent them a con- 
siderable sum of money. 

Lavalette left the Wiirmsee in August, and went to stay 
with Hortense at Augsburg, whither her brother and his 
father-in-law had persuaded her to go. 

Lavalette often spoke with gratitude of Eugene's kindness 
to him, and said that, had he been his own brother, he could 
not have been kinder to him. And he was not the only person 
who had cause to be grateful to Eugene. Both Josephine's 
children were so well known for their charity to French 
fugitives that they were more than once imposed upon by 
adventurers. When Mouton-Duvemet, for instance, was 
Ijdng in prison waiting to be executed, Hortense and her 
brother were begged to provide a sum of 20,000 francs, ^ on 
receipt of which the jailer of the unfortunate Mouton- 

1 Ludwig II, Otto Friedrich Wilhelm (1845-86) : supported Austria 
against Prussia in 1866, but was forced to recognize the German Empire 
in 1 871. His failing health made him an easy prey to certain intriguers 
who drained his purse and eventually drove him to kill himself and his 
keeper. 

2 20f000 francs : ;£8oo. 



EUG£NE honours heroes 357 

Duvernet promised to open the prison door and shut his eyes 
to what might follow. The money was produced, but it 
never reached the person for whom it was destined, and so 
the prisoner was shot. 

On another occasion a clever count invented a heart- 
rending story of imprisonment and cruelty, and was within 
an inch of obtaining a large sum of money ; however, 
Hortense and her brother were warned in time. 

Not only did Eugene honour living heroes, but the dead 
were not forgotten. To La Tour d'Auvergne,^ called by 
Napoleon le Premier Grenadier de France, a descendant of 
another hero, Turenne,^ who refused to accept any rewards 
for his whole-hearted service, Eugene erected a monument 
on the battle-field of Neuburg in Bavaria where, in 1800, that 
true son of France fought his last battle. Napoleon, then at 
his apogee, had ordered the faithful heart to be extracted 
from the corpse and borne in a silver medallion on the 
shoulder-belt of the oldest soldier in La Tour d'Auvergne's 
regiment, who, when the muster roll was read, had to answer, 
" Mort au champ d'honneur ! " when the name of his brave 
brother in arms was called. This custom was kept up until 
the return of the Bourbons. It was lately revived, when 
a dramatic scene was enacted in the courtyard of the old 
hotel des Invalides, Paris. The general commanding the 
regiment, having called the name " La Tour d'Auvergne ! " 
the answer flashed out from the ranks like a call to battle 
and a cry of victory : " Mort au champ d'honneur ! " 

1 La Tour d'Auvergne, TheoAore Malo Corret de (1745-1800): com- 
manded a corps of grenadiers known as the Infernal Column ; not only 
was he a distinguished soldier, but he was also the author of several 
learned works, and he spoke nearly all the European languages. '■ /}, .% '^'^ 
^ Turenne, Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, vicomte de (161 1-75)': the 
first tactician of his time. 



CHAPTER XV 

Hortense and her brother exchange visits — Eugene's kindness to his wife's 
sister — He receives the httle State of Eichstatt — Birth of his second 
son — He intercedes for the Prisoner of Saint Helena — Napoleon's 
opinion of his adopted son— Lord Kinnaird is sent to Munich — Death 
of Eugene's benefactor — His grief- — Prince Oscar of Sweden begs for 
the hand of the Princess Josephine — Eugene's illness — His daughter 
marries — Eugene dies in Augusta's arms. 

DURING the summer of 1816 Eugene persuaded his 
sister to spend some weeks with him at Schloss Berg. 
Augusta, who had lately borne her husband another little 
daughter/ a fair flower which, alas ! had scarcely opened 
its blue eyes before it closed them again, was feeling very 
sad. Hortense could sympathize with her sister-in-law, for 
had she not also known what it means to lose a child ? 

Hortense 's little boys were shy at first, but they soon made 
friends with their cousins. So happy were the hours passed 
by the future Napoleon IH on the shores of the lovely 
Wiirmsee that he, in after years, used to say that they were 
the happiest in his childhood. Eugene's family now con- 
sisted of Josephine, known in her babyhood as the Princess 
of Bologna, now a lively girl of nine who resembled little 
Letizia Murat,^ Caroline Murat's eldest daughter, in a most 
remarkable degree ; Hortense, aged eight ; Auguste, aged 
six ; Amelie, aged five ; and the siege-baby Theodolinde, 
who was still almost a toddler. 

Mile. Cochelet calls Eugene's little family a veritable nest 
of cupids ; they certainly make a charming picture. Eugene 
considered his youngest little girl very like what her aunt 
had been at the same age. On the occasion of Hortense 's 
first visit to Schloss Berg he placed the pink and white baby 
in his sister's lap, saying : 

" There, that's for you ! I think she is extraordinarily 
like what you used to be at her age." 

1 This Uttle child, which only lived five months, was baptized Caroline- 
Clotilde- Eugenie . 

2 Letizia Murat married the marquis Pepoli. 

358 



HORTENSE AND HER BROTHER 359 

At these words poor Augusta's eyes filled with tears, for 
she remembered the little one who had taken but one peep 
at this wonderful world and had then slipped away from its 
mother's arms. 

Eugene and his wife returned Hortense's visit when the 
latter was at Constance. Eugene, in his wisdom, had deter- 
mined to cut his coat according to his cloth, and, while 
waiting for better days, had reduced his household to an 
extent which scandalized some of his wife's relations. On 
this particular occasion, Augusta travelled without a single 
lady-in-waiting. We may be sure that Eugene enjoyed the 
journey all the more for this fact ; but the Baroness von 
Wurmbs, who was left behind and who perhaps would have 
enjoyed the change, was loud in her condemnation of such 
unwonted behaviour. 

" Good gracious ! " cried she, " a princess of the Bavarian 
royal family has never before been seen travelling like a 
shopkeeper's wife ! " 

However, Eugene saw no harm, and told his wife's lady-in- 
waiting so ; for some time the good baroness had to endure 
not a little teasing on his part. 

But the Baroness von Wurmbs was not the onl^^ person 
who was scandalized by Eugene and Hortense's hatred of 
ceremony and love of fun. 

During Augusta's visit to her sister-in-law at Constance 
the latter introduced her to the celebrated Baroness von 
Kriidener,^ a latter-day saint, who believed that she had 
been sent by Providence to regenerate mankind. This won- 
derful female was taken into the presence of the Princess 
Augusta ; instead of waiting to be presented to the Princess 
as Court etiquette requires, the baroness made no attempt to 
courtesy, but took up a position in the middle of the room, 
extended her arms and turned her e5^es up to the ceiling ; 
she then began a long rigmarole in which she exhorted her 
hostesses to bear with resignation the great misfortunes 
which were still in store for the Emperor's family. Augusta, 

^ von Kriidener, Juliane von Vietinghof, baroness (1766-1828) : a 
Russian visionary who began her career by running away from her hus- 
band and going to Uve at MontpeUier in France. After several amorous 
adventures she. as middle age came on, took to reUgion and travelled 
all over Europe trying to convert people to her way of thinking. She 
obtained great influence over the Emperor Alexander of Russia. 



36o EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

thoroughly taken aback, sat with her mouth open, not know- 
ing whether to laugh or to cry ; while Eugene, convinced 
that his sister's visitor was an escaped lunatic, began to 
wonder how he could persuade her to go quietly. As for 
Hortense, who thoroughly enjoyed the situation, she was 
obliged to beat a sudden retreat in order to hide her laughter 
and thereby scandalized poor Mile. Cochelet as she had never 
been scandalized before. 

Eugene was also very good to his wife's family. Augusta's 
eldest sister Charlotte had made a very unhappy marriage 
with the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg,^ who had refused to 
live with her and eventually divorced her. It had been a 
cause of deep regret to Eugene that he had no Court to which 
to invite his sister-in-law, but he had said to comfort her : 

" When I obtain the principality which has been promised 
to me, you shall come and live with us ! " 

However, when Charlotte married the Emperor of Austria, 
in 1817, she showed Eugene that she had not forgotten his 
kindness to her, for she invited him and his wife to her wed- 
ding, when, we may be sure, he was not slighted as he had 
been at the Tuileries when the de Beauharnais had had to 
go to the wall to make room for the Hapsburg. 

Eugene was fond of his brothers-in-law, but Charles, 
Augusta's youngest brother, was his favourite. 

It was during the winter of 1816-17 that Eugene, while 
driving in a sleigh, was thrown out and fell upon his head ; 
a tumour is supposed to have formed in consequence of this 
fall and to have led to the illness which eventually caused 
his death. However, as he did not suffer much pain at the 
time he thought no more about the matter. 

In 1817 Eugene stood sponsor to his nephew, the future 
Emperor of the French, when the boy made his first com- 
munion at Augsburg and received the blessing of the vener- 
able bishop of that diocese. 

The King of Bavaria, realizing that nobody wished to do 
anything for his son-in-law, tried to console him by teUing 
him to choose some State or principahty in Bavaria. Eugene, 
misled (as it afterwards transpired) as to its value, chose the 
Httle State of Eichstatt, with about 7000 inhabitants, which 

\ 1 William I, king of Wiirtemberg (1781-1864) : reigned from 1816 until 
1864. 



BIRTH OF HIS SECOND SON 361 

his father-in-law had obtained by the Treaty of Presburg in 
1805. This State, which possessed a castle in good repair 
and excellent hunting, was afterwards made into a princi- 
pality for its owner. 

The Emperor Alexander still seems to have displayed 
some interest in Eugene's fate, for we find a letter written 
by him in April, 1817, in which he hopes that Eugene will 
soon be given a suitable position. The ex-viceroy had cer- 
tainly been obliged to exercise patience. With the State of 
Eichstatt he also received the title of Duke of Leuchtenberg, 
while his children were given the title of Serene Highness, 
and he himself was allowed to be termed Royal Highness, 
and, what was more important, he was promised the crown 
of Bavaria supposing his brothers-in-law left no male issue. 
About this same time Eugene was given command of the 
6th regiment of the Bavarian cavalry. With his improved 
circumstances, Eugene was able to purchase land in Munich 
and build himself the building known as the Luitpold Palace. 

The Bourbons had returned to France, but peace had not 
accompanied them ; there were too many parties clamour- 
ing and struggling for supremacy. We learn from M. Gilbert 
Stenger's work upon the princesse de la Tremoille that 
Eugene, although far away, was still remembered with 
esteem in France. The princesse de la Tremoille wrote to 
Hyde de Neuveville^ in 181 7 : 

" The national guards, under the command of the comte 
de Montsoreau, M. de Blacas'^ father-in-law, have been dis- 
charged. Since the departure of Blacas everything has been 
done to disturb the King's household, alter it and reduce it. 
People talk of Eugene de Beauharnais being made Regent 
for the son of the usurper ; they even talk of applying to a 
prince belonging to an European royal family supposing the 
Bourbons are again driven from France. ..." 

Eugene now became a father for the seventh time, for his 

^ Hyde de Neuveville, Jean-Guillaume, baron ( -1857) : a zealous 
partisan of the Bourbon cause. After the coup d'etat of the iSthfructidor, 
he emigrated to England, and later to America. He returned to his native 
land with Louis XVIII, who entrusted to him various confidential mis- 
sions in England, Italy and America. 

2 Blacas d'Aulps, Casimir, due de (1770-1839) : was made Secretary' of 
State by Louis XVIII in 1814. He accompanied his royal master on his 
trip to Ghent, was made Ambassador at Naples, where he negotiated the 
marriage of the daughter of Francis I, king of the Two SiciUes, to the due 
de Berry. He went into exile with tlie Bourbons in 1830. 



362 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

youngest child, a boy, was bom on October 2nd, 1817, and 
baptized Maximilian, after his maternal grandfather. Eugene 
was still far from realizing Napoleon's prophecy that " when 
one begins with a girl, one always has at least twelve chil- 
dren." But perhaps he was content. 

In the following year rumours reached the Emperor's 
family that he was being subjected to much petty tyranny, 
some said harsh treatment, at the hands of Hudson Lowe.^ 
Eugene has been blamed for not having accompanied his 
adoptive father to the wind-swept island of Saint Helena. 
But we must not forget that Eugene, by the marriage which 
the Emperor had made for him, had contracted new ties ; 
his six little ones were perhaps sufficient excuse to prevent 
him leaving Europe. But nobody suffered more than Eugene 
on learning of this sad state of affairs. In his despair at his 
inability to do anything for his beloved step-father, he be- 
thought himself of that other benefactor from whom, how- 
ever, he had received nothing but fair words. To the Czar 
of Russia he therefore wrote : 

" Sire — Newspapers published in several countries declare 
that the Emperor Napoleon is deprived of the means of 
obtaining the necessaries of life, and that his health is giving 
way owing to the privations to which he is subjected. I am 
sure that, supposing these rumours be true, it is not Your 
Majesty's intention that he should be subjected to such 
severity. 

" In my present painful position, Sire, I feel it my duty 
to call Your Majesty's attention to the fate of him who was 
once my mother's husband, who loaded me with favours and 
who instructed me in the art of governing and in the military 
profession. Far be it from me to ask you to do anything 
which might compromise the peace of Europe ; but there are 
doubtless many ways by which the interests of Europe and 
the interests of humanity might be combined ; I am sure 
Your Majesty will know what to do in the matter. . . ." 

We find in the diary of the Queen of Westphalia ^ that both 
the adoptifs were doing their best to obtain a relaxation of 
the severity of which their step-father was a victim : 

" Monday, May 25th, 1818. Hortense told me that the 

^ Hudson Lowe (i 770-1 844). 

* Jerome, the king of Westphalia's second wife was Catherine of Wiir- 
tembero;. 



INTERCEDES FOR NAPOLEON 363 

cointe de Las Cases^ wished to come and see her at Augsburg, 
as well as the viceroy, but that they had advised him not 
to come lest by so doing he should make people suspicious. 
Prince Eugene recommended her to propose to have an inter- 
view with the comte de Las Cases at Baden, where he has to 
go during the month of July. She also spoke to me of a 
petition in favour of the Emperor which she and her brother 
wish to send to the Congress ; this petition is to be drawn up 
in Rome ; it is only to contain reference to the ways and 
means of mitigating the Emperor's sufferings and sending 
him articles which he requires, such as books, clothing, etc. 
etc. In the petition we also ought to insist that Sir Hudson 
Lowe be recalled from Saint Helena ; but, above all, we 
must be careful not to mention politics either directly or in- 
directly. This petition should be addressed by Madame 
(Mere) to the confederate sovereigns and signed by all the 
members of the family. Hortense proposes to mention this 
petition when she goes to drink the waters at Lucca. She 
hopes that she will be able to obtain passports without any 
trouble. She is certain of getting this proposal to Rome, for 
she will send her youngest son to King Louis, while her 
eldest son will stay with her during her cure. Hortense and 
I have fixed upon a sign in order to be able to write to one 
another upon this subject. She is to tell me if she is doing 
the drawing which she promised to do for me and which I hope 
she will soon send me. She thinks that we shall be able to 
see that this petition reaches the persons for whom it is in- 
tended ; but we must first get it written. I pleaded the 
wrong side in order to get at the right, for I said to Hortense 
that the viceroy's present position would prevent him sign- 
ing this petition. ' You are mistaken,' said she to me. 
' Eugene would be deeply wounded if the family did not 
allow him to sign it. I assure you that he is devoted, heart 
and soul, to our cause. He is obliged to be prudent. The 
King (of Bavaria) is his only friend, and I much doubt 
whether he will remain in Munich after his father-in-law's 

1 Las Cases, Dieudonne, comte de (i 766-1 842): having joined the 
army of Conde, returned to France after the i8th Bmmatre. When 
Flushing was threatened by the EngHsh, Las Cases offered his services 
to his country, and thus won the esteem of Napoleon, who made him his 
chamberlain. He accompanied the Emperor to Saint Helena, and re- 
mained there until Hudson Lowe sent him to the Cape of Good Hope. 
He was elected deputy for the Seine in 1830. 



364 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

death. However, Prince Charles Hkes him ; but when the 
King is gone he will not be able to do much for Eugene.' ..." 

When Eugene and the Emperor Alexander met at Mergent- 
heim, near Weimar, in the autumn of this same year (1818), 
the former spent the five or six hours of this interview beg- 
ging the latter to do something to alleviate his step-father's 
sufferings. Alexander made some vague promises — pro- 
mises cost nothing — and then they parted, never to meet 
again. 

In the following year, Eugene, at Napoleon's request and 
with the consent of the Emperor's jailers, began to send him 
every month the sum of 20,000 francs,^ being part of the de- 
posit of 800,000 francs^ which he had received from Lavalette. 

It is touching to think that the fallen Emperor's one de- 
sire during that long decline — while he watched his body 
decaying with a stoicism, resignation or indifference, call it 
as you will, worthy of the ancient Romans or the worship- 
pers of Mahomet and Buddha — was to have a portrait of the 
child of the woman who had been made to marry him 
against her will and who was now taking her revenge in her 
own way. This desire Eugene, the tenderest of fathers, and 
therefore able to sympathize with his step-father, determined 
to satisfy. With great difficulty he succeeded in obtaining a 
httle bust of the King of Rome, which he concealed in a 
packing-case full of books, and so the Emperor got his wish. 
Dr. Antommarchi^ tells us how the Emperor, with tears roll- 
ing down his cheeks, caressed the curly head as if it would 
waken into warm life at his fond touch. 

Eugene spent the next few years attending to his children's 
education. He wisely refused an invitation to visit the Court 
of Alexander ; it was his intention to pass the rest of his 
days in retirement. 

It was during the winter of 1819-20 that Eugene received 
a letter which came as an echo of the old Court life and its 
intrigues, with which he hoped to have done for ever. It 
contained an announcement that somebody in Paris had 
written a life of Eugene in which he was accused of all sorts 

1 20,000 francs : £800. 

" 800,000 francs : ^32,000. 

' Antommarchi, Charles Fran9ois (1780-1838): professor of anatomy at 
Florence, was chosen to tend Napoleon during his last illness. He was 
the author of an interesting work, Les Derniers Moments de Napoleon, 



NAPOLEON'S OPINION 365 

of mean tricks ; it likewise contained a mangled account of 
those little blunders and small faults of which we are all 
guilty at some time or the other in our lives, and which, in 
this case, were distorted beyond recognition. To prevent the 
publication of this libel, Eugene was requested to pay 6000 
francs. 1 He showed the letter to General de Vaudoncourt,^ 
who was staying with him, and asked him his opinion. 

" Keep your money ! " answered the cool-headed soldier. 
" Let them print it. You have nothing to fear from history. 
Allow me to remark that if you show any signs of weakness 
you will have to give up every bit of your fortune, for the 
author is determined to make a good thing out of the manu- 
script, which will probably have a tremendous success if it is 
published." 

Eugene followed General de Vaudoncourt's advice. 

It is difficult to say if this particular book was ever pub- 
lished ; perhaps it was one of two works entitled Derniere 
campagne de I'Armee franco-italienne, by the Chevalier 

S. J. , and Memoir es sur la cour du prince Eugene et sur 

le royaume d'ltalie, by the sub-prefect of Ravenna, which 
appeared in the following year. 

During a conversation held in 1820 with one of the few 
faithful friends who had gone into exile with him, the 
Emperor spoke of his love for Josephine, declared that he 
had never loved anybody as he had loved her, and that he 
was convinced that he had been even dearer to her than her 
own children. He added : 

" Eugene proved himself to be a clever general and a com- 
petent ruler. My Itahan subjects did justice to his good 
qualities ; the French nation loved him and was grieved to 
see him excluded from the throne of France. His mother 
often urged me to adopt him as my heir ; it was a fixed idea 
with her. . . . But, supposing Eugene had succeeded me, I 
should not have founded a dynasty ; for adoption, all said 
and done, is only a fiction and would have been distasteful 
to anyone with any common sense ; the blood of the fourth 

1 6,000 francs : £20^0. 

2 Vaudoncourt, Frederic-Fran9ois, baron de (i 772-1 845): born in 
Austria of French parents, one of Napoleon's most faithful servitors; 
served during the wars of the RepubUc and the Empire, was condemned 
to death by default in 1815 for having joined Napoleon during the Cent- 
Jours. He was not able to return to France until 1825. 



366 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

dynasty would have been that of the de Beauharnais and 
not that of Napoleon ! " 

Eugene now had another reminder that France was still 
the scene of plots and disturbances when, in the spring of 
1821, Lord Kinnaird appeared at Munich and asked him to 
grant him an audience. During the interview which eventu- 
ally took place Lord Kinnaird informed Eugene that he had 
been commissioned by the due d' Orleans (later Louis- 
Philippe) to ask him to join his patron in an effort to rid 
France of the disturbances with which she was again 
threatened ; Lord Kinnaird added that the successful party 
was to bind himself to protect the unsuccessful party and to 
allow him to reside in France. We can imagine what treat- 
ment Eugene, supposing he had been unsuccessful, or even 
successful, would have experienced at Louis-Philippe's hands. 

Eugene's reply varied in no way to his reply to a former 
request of the same nature from the same person : 

" Were it for the happiness of France, I would willingly 
join forces with the due d'Orleans, my father's friend ; but 
I must warn him that if I were to be successful, I should 
immediately bring Napoleon's son back to France. I should 
be guilty of gross treachery if I accepted the first place. 
Should Fate decide otherwise, I should content myself with 
serving France as a humble citizen." 

Napoleon's life was ebbing away. The story of his last 
moments, as related by Dr. Antommarchi, is painful to the 
extreme, for he remained a great man to the last. On April 
24th, 1821, only a few days before the end, he signed his wiU, 
on which occasion he said : 

" May my son never ascend the throne with the assistance 
of any foreigner. . . . Let him go to my family whenever he 
has an opportunity to do so. My mother is a woman of 
the old school ; Joseph and Eugene can both give him 
advice. . . ." 

So we see that Eugene still stood very high in the 
Emperor's opinion, so high, indeed, that Napoleon even 
gave him precedence of his own brothers in his will. 

A codicil made by the Emperor, who was in ignorance of 
many of the moves which had been made since his removal 
from the political chess-board, was destined to cause his 
adopted son considerable trouble, as we shall see later on. 



DEATH OF NAPOLEON 367 

The day before his death the Emperor wrote the following 
lines : 

" I thank my good and excellent mother, Cardinal Fesch, 
my brothers Joseph, Lucien and Jerome, and Pauline, 
Caroline, Julie, Hortense, Catherine and Eugene for all their 
kindness to me. . . ." 

Surely more than one of the persons named above must 
have felt remorse on reading that last message ? 

On May 5th, 1821, Death released Napoleoit the Great 
from his prison and stilled the leonine heart which had once 
throbbed with generous plans for the welfare of France. 

The last word which fell from his lips was Annee ; his 
last thought must have been for his enfants, for, even in the 
throes of death, he seemed to the watchers round his bed to 
be striving to lead his men on to victory. 

A terrific storm came up over the horizon just before the 
Emperor breathed his last sigh. The island was swept by 
wind, sand and surf ; bushes were rooted up ; slates were 
torn off houses. And when the storm passed, it took with 
it the soul of a great man. 

Many of Napoleon's grognards refused to believe that he 
was dead. " *Tis another lie ! " they said ; " n'est il -pas 
vrai, mon Dieu, qu'il n'est pas mort ? " 

The people's poet, Beranger, speaks thus : 

" On parlera de sa gloire 

Sous le chaume bien longtemps. 
Bien, dit-on, qu'il nous ait nui, 
Le peuple encore le revere, 
Oui, le revere. 
Parlez-nous de lui, grand'mere. 
Par lez- nous de lui ! " ^ 

Eugene did not hear of the death of his benefactor until 
May 2ist ; he and his wife mourned the departed hero as 
truly as any of his own blood relations. With what emotion 
did he receive a magnificent gilt candlestick which had been 
used by Napoleon during the last months of his life, when 
tortured and unable to find rest in any position owing to 
that most horrible of maladies— cancer, he had tried to while 
away some of the long, dreary hours of night by reading of 
other and happier victors on life's battle-field. 

1 Souvenirs du Peuple. 



368 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

On August 15th, Napoleon's birthday, Eugene had a mass 
celebrated at Ismaning, his country residence near Munich, 
at which he and his whole family, clad in deep mourning, 
assisted. 

He now collected all his souvenirs of the dead step-father, 
all the little presents that step-father had ever given him, 
together with the splendid uniforms and arms dating from 
France's apogee, and the tent of Mourad Bey, to whose wife 
Eugene had once shown courtesy, and placed them in a 
room in the Luitpold Palace, which in future was known as 
the Cabinet des Souvenirs. 

Eugene's life was similar to that led by many petty princes 
of the time and was necessarily rather quiet owing to his 
small fortune. His palace was chiefly remarkable for a col- 
lection of works of art by Rubens, Canova, van Dyck, 
Murillo, Velasquez, Teniers and Rembrandt, which he prob- 
ably owed to his adoptive father's generosity — and vic- 
tories. Eugene still enjoyed much esteem among the 
European sovereigns ; we can take it that the proposal for 
the hand of the Princess Josephine, known in her babyhood 
as the Princess of Bologna, which proposal was made by 
Prince Oscar of Sweden^ in 1822, was prompted by such a 
feeling. However, Josephine was only fifteen years of age 
at that time, far too young to make a manage de convenance, 
of which Eugene, notwithstanding his own good fortune, had 
a wholesome dread ; besides which, Josephine would have 
had to change her religion. Nevertheless, the young prince 
and his mother were invited to spend the sum.mer months at 
Eichstatt, and here the young people, while wandering 
through forest and field, learnt to know and love one another. 
Many fetes were given in honour of Prince Oscar, who after- 
wards went with his future father-in-law to make the ac- 
quaintance of Hortense at Arenenberg. 

It was in this same year that the comte de Montholon^ 

^ Oscar, king of Norway and Sweden (1799-1859) : succeeded his father 
in 1844. His reign was distinguished by wise reforms and innovations. 

2 Montholon, Charles Tristan, comte de (i 783-1 853) : first entered the 
French navy, but later became a soldier, when he made himself useful 
to Napoleon on the 18th Brumaire. He fought in Italy, Austria and 
Russia, and was wounded several times. Faithful to the fallen Emperor, 
he accompanied him to Saint Helena and received his last sigh. He con- 
tinued faithful to the Bonaparte cause, landed with Napoleon III at 
Boulogne, and shared his imprisonment in the castle of Ham. 



NAPOLEON'S WILL 369 

brought a lawsuit against Eugene for which the Emperor 
Napoleon was partly responsible. In the codicil, dated 
April 24th, 1821, Napoleon said : 

" I leave to my very faithful servitors everything belong- 
ing to me in Italy, such as jewels, plate, linen, furniture, 
horses, of which the viceroy is the trustee, and which are my 
property, together with the sum of 2,000,000 francs.^ I hope 
that my son Eugene-Napoleon will execute my wishes faith- 
fully, and that he will not forget the dotation of 40,000,000 
francs 2 which I gave him, as well as his share of his mother's 
fortune, while he was in Italy, I bequeath 200,000 francs^ 
to the comte de Montholon, . . ." etc. 

" This codicil is entirely written with my own hand and 
sealed with my arms. " Napoleon." 

The words : " I bequeath 200,000 francs to the comte de 
Montholon "was made the subject of a lawsuit ; for Eugene 
had left Italy as poor a man as when he went there. 

When writing the above codicil. Napoleon was unaware 
what position Eugene now occupied. The valuable posses- 
sions of which he speaks had never belonged to Eugene. He 
had only had the use of them as viceroy ; and, as we have 
already seen, they were left behind in Italy and sold to 
Austria, who, however, never paid for them. Napoleon 
speaks of a dotation of 40,000,000 francs. Now Eugene 
never received more than half that sum, and in 1814 that 
half was confiscated by the Pope. Again, the sum of 
2,000,000 francs represented by La Malmaison, which 
property was bequeathed to him by his mother, had had to 
be used after her death towards pajdng her debts, which 
exceeded that sum. 

As for the money in the treasury at the time of Eugene's 
departure from Italy, that had been confiscated by Austria. 
So we see that Eugene's fortune was represented by the 
principality of Eichstatt, which he owed to his father-in- 
law's liberality. 

Eugene had already recommended the comte de Montho- 
lon to join him in urging Austria to surrender that portion of 

1 2,000,000 francs : ;^8o,ooo. 

* 40,000,000 francs : ^^i, 600,000. 

^ 200,000 francs : ;^8,ooo. 

2 A 



370 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Napoleon's property which she had confiscated. However, 
the comte de Montholon preferred to prosecute Eugene. 
Death removed the defendant before any result was ob- 
tained, and the comte de Montholon continued litigation with 
Eugene's heirs until 1850, but without any success. 

Eugene has been severely criticized for not carrying out 
this clause of his step-father's will, but we ourselves are more 
inclined to blame him for marrying his daughter to the son of 
Napoleon's enemy, Bernadotte.^ It has been pleaded in his 
excuse that he could not beggar his family for Montholon, 
but he could have refused to give his daughter in marriage 
to Prince Oscar. However, as it happened, he did well to 
give his consent, for his daughter obtained an excellent 
husband. 

The wedding was to take place in 1823. Eugene's secretary. 
Baron Darnay, had already gone to Paris, in order to pur- 
chase the princess's trousseau, when Eugene, towards the 
end of February, 1823, had a slight apoplectic seizure. A 
month later, while at prayer in his private chapel in Munich, 
he had another and a more serious attack, and had to be 
carried to his apartments. 

The doctors, unable to agree as to the nature of his malady, 
bled him repeatedly. It was afterwards stated that his fall 
from the sleigh during the winter of 1816-17 was the cause 
of this illness. 

So beloved was the Herzog von Leuchtenberg, as he was 
known to the Bavarians, that the churches of Munich were 
filled with people praying for his recovery. On April i6th he 
was supposed to be dying. The streets surrounding the 
Luitpold Palace were thronged with rich and poor, all 
anxious to read the latest bulletin. 

Hortense, dreading lest she should arrive too late to see her 
beloved brother alive, hurried to Munich, where she was able 
to assist her sister-in-law in nursing him. However, the sick 
man rallied early on the morning of the 17th, and the doctors 
began to hope that he would recover. The young fiancee 
went with her brothers and sisters to the cathedral that same 
day and offered up thanksgiving prayers. 

1 Bernadotte, Charles (i 764-1 844): a French general, became King of 
Sweden under the title of Charles John IV in 1818. He was one of Napo- 
leon's many ungrateful friends. 



EUG£NE'S illness 371 

For Eugene, who had so often looked Death in the face, 
the thought of leaving this world had no terrors. He had 
kept conscious throughout his illness, and he now expressed 
a wish to make his will. He appointed his beloved Augusta 
and his favourite brother-in-law Charles his children's 
guardians. 

May saw a decided improvement in his condition. On the 
22nd, notwithstanding his weakness and his corpse-like 
pallor, he made his first appearance since his illness at his 
eldest daughter's marriage. On the morrow he, with tears in 
his eyes, bade farewell to the young couple who were starting 
for Stockholm. He never saw his daughter again. 

As soon as he was strong enough to be moved, he was taken 
to his summer residence at Ismaning, where he amused him- 
self by dictating his memoirs to Baron Damay. As he did not 
get back his strength, he went, accompanied by his step- 
father's former secretary, M. Planat de La Faye, to drink the 
waters at Marienbad. He derived so much benefit from his 
cure that he was able to go to Eugensberg, close to the Lake 
of Constance. 

But he never recovered his spirits, and complained from 
time to time of feeling ill. He was strong enough, however, to 
pay a visit to the Grand-duchess of Baden, who was then at 
Mannheim. On returning to Munich at the end of August, he 
felt so much stronger that he asked his physicians to allow 
him to indulge in his favourite pastime — boar-hunting. They 
consented, but after one or two attempts to resume his old 
habits, he was obliged to stop on account of frequent attacks 
of vertigo, to cure which the doctors again had recourse to 
bleeding. The month of September saw a slight improve- 
ment, but before very long his condition had become worse 
than ever. Sight, speech and hearing failed him ; his left 
side became useless. He was bled again and yet again. 
Baron Larrey might have saved his life ; but that excellent 
man was tending Caulaincourt, who was too ill to be left, 
and so he could only send written instructions as to the 
treatment to be followed. 

Eugene lingered until the following spring, when he began 
to sink rapidly. He knew that his course in life was run. To 
the last he tried to smile at Augusta whenever she entered his 
sick-room. The brave warrior, however, refused to allow her 



372 EUG£NE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

to remain with him while the Last Sacraments were being 
administered to him, lest she should see how weak he had 
become. 

About three o'clock on the morning of February 21st, 
1824, Augusta, who was watching by his bedside, noticed a 
change, and bent over his pillow, asking : 

" Are you in pain, beloved ? " 

" No ! " he whispered faintly, still smiling up with almost 
sightless eyes at " the best of women." 

She raised him in her arms and held him against her heart, 
until he passed away half an hour later. 

There is a heavy penalty attached to all our earthly joys, 
and that penalty has to be paid sooner or later. When 
Augusta at last realized that he would never again greet her 
with his bright smile, she flung herself on his body and 
prayed God to take her also. The nation which had given 
him a home and had learnt to value him, showed its love and 
esteem by giving him a State funeral. The body, clad in the 
uniform of the Bavarian guards, and decorated with such 
tokens of bravery as the Grand Croix of the Legion d'hon- 
neur, the Orders of the Iron Crown of Italy, the Golden 
Fleece and Saint Stephen, lay in state for three days, and 
was viewed by thousands. Four soldiers watched day and 
night round his bier. It was a national funeral in the true 
sense of the term, for the whole nation, peasantry, bourgeoisie, 
army, clergy, magistracy and nobility, mourned the death of 
this good man. It is said that his father-in-law expressed a 
wish that his people would display equal sorrow when his 
time came to die. 

The funeral took place February 25th at three o'clock in 
the afternoon. The procession, headed by Prince Charles 
and Duke Max of Bavaria, with Eugene's eldest son as chief 
mourner, and followed by numerous deputations, a military 
band, four squadrons of horse-guards, all the Court officials, 
and the dead man's equerry leading his charger, proceeded to 
the church of Saint Michael, Munich, where the Archbishop 
having read the last prayers, Eugene's body was laid to rest 
close to the little daughter, Caroline-Clotilde-Eugenie, who 
died, aged five months, in 1816. 

Hortense was not with her brother at the last, but she 
arrived from Rome in time to attend his funeral. 




(Photo: A. R. Montagu) 
THE TOMB OF EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 
Church of Saint Michael, Munich 




(Photo: A. R. Montagu) 
THE CHURCH OF SAINT MICHAEL, MUNICH 



To face page 372 



DEATH OF EUG£NE 373 

A beautiful white marble monument executed by Canova's 
worthy rival, Thorwaldsen,i in which Eugene is represented 
as a Roman warrior holding in his right hand a wreath of 
oak leaves, and surrounded by allegorical figures, represent- 
ing History, Life and Death, bears the following inscription : 

HIC PLACIDE OSSA CUBANT 

EUGENU NAPOLEONIS, 

REGIS ITALIAE QUONDAM VICES GERENTIS. 

NAT. LUT. PARISIOR, D. III. SEPT. MDCCLXXXI. 

DEF. MONARCHU. D. XXI. FEBR. MDCCCXXIV. 

MONUMENTUM POSUIT VIDUA MCERENS 

AUGUSTA AMELIA 

MAXIMIL. JOS. BAV. REGIS FILIA. 

The monument is surmounted by a cross with the following 
inscription, Eugene's motto, Honneur et fidilite. 

Many were the letters of condolence received by the heart- 
broken widow. The Emperor of Russia wrote two letters in 
which he spoke of the deceased man's noble example and 
beautiful soul. 

Louis XVni, who, at one time, would gladly have kept 
Eugene at his Court, said, on learning of his death : 

" I am very sorry to hear it. Prince Eugene was an honest 
fellow and a good man into the bargain ! " 

Local poets sang the praises of the dead man, and several 
German historians witnessed to the fact that his motto, 
Honour and fidelity, had not been an empty phrase with him. 

Augusta lived many years after her husband, and truly 
did she mourn him. Her grief was so fresh that, even after 
long years of separation, she would shed tears at the memory 
of his last smile. 

One by one she saw his children marry and leave her. In 
1826 her second daughter, Hortense-Eugenie, married Prince 
Frederic of HohenzoUern-Hechingen, a relative of the 
princess who was said to have befriended her paternal grand- 
mother during the Revolution ; and two or three years later 

^ Thorwaldsen, Albert (1779-1844): the great Danish sculptor, who owed 
his first success to an Enghshman, Henry PhiUp Hope, who " discovered " 
the young sculptor in Rome, where he was studying under difficult 
circumstances owing to want of means. 



374 EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 

Augusta's third daughter, Amehe-Auguste-Eugenie-Na- 
poleone, married the Emperor of Brazil, who died, however, 
five years after their marriage, whereupon his widow took 
the title of Duchess of Braganza. Eugene's eldest son, who 
had been born too late to save his father's fortunes, married 
the Queen of Portugal, Dona Maria de Gloria, in 1835, but 
he died two months after his marriage. 

There was some talk of Louis-Napoleon, later Napoleon III, 
marrying Auguste's widow. Mention was also made of one 
of Eugene's daughters, but the delicate health of the latter 
is said to have prevented the marriage. 

In 1839 Augusta's only surviving son, Maximilian, 
married the daughter of the Emperor Nicholas, the Grand- 
duchess Marie, when the Czar gave his son-in-law the title 
of Imperial Highness. 

In 1 84 1 the youngest fledgling left the nest, for the pink- 
and-white baby, Theodolinde, married Count William of 
Wiirtemberg. 

Augusta divided her life between Munich and Ismaning, 
where she spent the summer months. 

Her last days were saddened by unfounded reports 
concerning her late husband's military talents. General 
Anthouard and Colonel Koch both wrote misleading 
accounts of the campaign of 1814, which were followed by 
Marmont's Memoirs, in which Eugene was accused of 
being anything but the " Bayard of the nineteenth century," 
as the Emperor of Russia had called him. Augusta nearly 
made herself ill in her efforts to clear her husband's memory 
of the infamous accusations laid to his charge. We quote 
from Marmont's Memoirs : 

" General Anthouard has since told me that he hap- 
pened to be at Munich some time after the Restoration, and 
he was working with Prince Eugene in his study putting 
different papers in order, when he came across the despatch 
which the Emperor had given him to take to Eugene ordering 
him to execute the movement of which I have just spoken 
(to evacuate Italy). General Anthouard showed the paper 
to Eugene and said : 

" ' Do you think, Monseigneur, that it would be better to 
keep this document ? ' 

" ' No ! ' replied Eugene, throwing it into the fire." 



DEATH OF AUGUSTA 375 

This incident is supposed to have taken place in 1821, yet, 
strange to say, the despatch in question is still to be seen 
among the ducal archives, where it was found by Augusta 
when she, aided by her brother, now King of Bavaria, set 
herself the task of clearing her husband's character. 

Death came in 185 1 to take " the best of women " to him 
whom she had loved so tenderly. 

In 1857 Augusta's surviving daughters brought a lawsuit 
against the pubhshers of Marmont's Memoirs, in which 
they were successful, the publishers being condemned to 
insert in the volume containing the incriminations (Volume 
VI) certain documents proving that Eugene was blameless 
concerning the matter in question. The judge, in summing 
up the case, said that Eugene had never swerved from the 
path of duty, and that the due de Raguse had been guilty of 
altering the truth. The publishers appealed against the 
verdict in the following year, but without success. 

Of all those who were related to Napoleon in any way, 
either by the ties of blood or by the ties of affection, Eugene 
perhaps had the happiest end. Although it was his fate to 
die a stranger in a strange land, a peculiarly painful fate to a 
Frenchman, he, during his last years, was surrounded by 
relations and friends, tended by the best of women, one of 
those noble creatures whose love is increased, not diminished, 
by misfortunes, and honoured by his little flock of children, 
who, although poorly provided with this world's goods, were 
later sought in marriage by several royal families. 

But of all Eugene de Beauharnais' claims to fame, that of 
having been the adopted son of the Emperor Napoleon was 
the most precious to him. The highest praise we can give 
him is expressed in that Emperor's own words : " Eugene 
has never caused me a moment's sorrow ! " 



Index 



Abensberg, Battle of: note 290 
d'Abrantes, due. See Junot 

— duchesse : 93-95, 109- no, 284 
Actes des Apotres : 42 

Acton, Joseph : 137; notes: 172, 186 

Albert, Prince Consort : 244 

Alerie, the : 57 

Alexander I, Czar of Russia : 27, 178, 
193, 255. 282, 300, 321, 329-337, 
340-341, 344-345. 351-352, 361- 
362, 373-374 ; note 359 

Allari, M. : 261 

AUemagne, M : 221, 270-271 

Alquier, M. : 137 

Amadeo, M. : 59 

Amiens, Treaty of: loi 

Andreossy, Antoine Franijois : 195 

Angiolini, chevalier : 62 

Angouleme, due : 333 ; notes : 213, 355 

— duchesse, 355, note 134 
Antenora : 9 

Anthouard, General: 173, 215, 293, 

305. 374 
Antommarchi, Charles Fran9ois : 364, 

366 
d'Anville, duchesse : 42 
d'Arberg, comtesse : 337 
Armand, General : 275 
Armee d'Allemagne : 214 

— de Corfou : 195 

~ de Dalmatie : 170, 195 

— d'ltalie : 54, 95, 130, 135-136. 138, 
159. i95j 198-199, 208, 210-21 1, 
213-214, 217, 219, 284-285, 297 

Armee de la Moselle : note 103 

— de Naples ; 122, 130, 169 

— du Rhin : 29-30, 46, 128; notes: 
103, 292 

— de Rome : note 122 
Arrighi, M. : 59-60 

d'Artois, Charles, comte : 333 ; notes : 

30. 104, 332 
Assemblee nationale constituante, 22, 29 
Asturias, Prince of. See Ferdinand 

VII 
Augereau, Pierre Fran5ois Charles, 

due de Castiglione : 277 
Auguie, Miles. : 98 
Augustus III, Elector of Saxony : 

note 339 



d'Aumont, Jacques : 22 

— Louis Celeste, due : 330 
Austerlitz, Battle of: 138; notes: 99, 

260 
Avrillon, Mile. : 143 
Azara, chevalier : 62-63 

B 

Babeuf conspiracy : note 32 

Bacciochi, Elisa. See Elisa Bona- 
parte 

Bacheville, Messieurs : 356 

Bagration, Peter, prince : 257 

Balbi, Mme. de : 332 

Baraguey d'Hilliers, Louis : 207, 225, 
228 

Barclay de Tolly, Michael : 268 

"Barri": 105 

Barsoni, Charles : 163 

Barras, comte de : 46, 54, 88 

Basseville, Nicolas Jean Hugon de, 63 

Bastille, prison of: 21 

Bataille, M. : 154, 221,271, 286, 353 

Bavaria, Augusta-Amelia, Princess of: 
107, 140, 143-153. 155-161, 165- 
166, et passim 

— Queen of: 146, 184, 287, 324 

— Charles, Prince of: 360-361, 364, 
371-372 

— Charlotte, Princess of: 184, 360 

— Elisabeth : Princess of: 107 

— Ludwig I, King of: 123-124, 126, 
361 

— Maximilian - Joseph, King of: 
107, 142-146, 148-149. 175. 184, 
207, 227, 282, 286-289, 293-296, 
298, 300, 314, 317, 324-325, 328, 
341, 343. 347, 352, 354-356, 360- 
364 

— Maximilian, Duke of: 372 
Bayanne, Cardinal de : 1S2 
Beauharnais, Alexandre - Fran9ois- 

Marie de : 22-52, 97, 338 

— AmeHe - Auguste - Eugenie - Napo - 
leone, 358, 374-375 

— Auguste - Charles - Eugene - Napo- 
leon de : 247, 251, 298, 358, 374 

— Caroline-Clotilde-Eugenie de : 358- 

359, 372 

— Emilie de : 63-65, 354-355 

— Eugene Rose de : birth and parent- 



377 



378 



eug£ne de beauharnais 



age, 22-24; childhood, 24-48; 
student days, 49-55 ; becomes 
General Bonaparte's aide-de-camp, 
55 : goes to Egypt, 65 ; returns to 
France, 82 ; pays two visits to 
Italy, 95-101 ; is made a prince of 
the French Empire, 112, and Vice- 
roy of Italy, 114; is ordered to 
marry Princess Augusta-Amelia of 
Bavaria, 145 ; his happy married 
life, 150 ; the arfii^e d'ltalie is 
ordered to seize Civita-Vecchia, 
169 ; is adopted by Napoleon as his 
son, 185 ; he receives command of 
the armee d^Italie, 195 ; his success 
as a commander, 207-225 ; he ad- 
dresses the Senate, 235 ; prepares 
for the Russian campaign, 253-256 ; 
is given post of commander-in-chief 
of the remnant of the Grand Army, 
273 ; returns to Italy, 282 ; prepares 
for war with Austria, 285 ; Italy is 
lost, 305 ; he takes refuge in Man- 
tua, 323 ; is obliged to retire to the 
Court of his father-in-law, 328 ; goes 
to Vienna, 339 ; learns of Napoleon's 
return to France, 343 ; is given the 
State of Eichstatt and the title of 
due de Leuchtenberg, 361 ; last 
illness and death, 370-375 
Beauharnais, Fanny de : 33-36, 38-39, 
47 

— Fran9ois, marquis de : 23-26, 29, 46 

— Hortense de : 24-31 ; 33-46, 51- 
54, 56, 64, 84-85, 95, 97-98, loi, 1 10, 
112, 126, 146, 172, 175, 177, 190, 
230-236, 245, 306, 309, 312-313, 
325, 329-330, 333-339, 343, 345- 
348, 353, 356, 358-360, 362-363, 
367-368, 370, 372 ; and notes : 148, 
182 

— Hortense-Eugenie : 193-194, 199, 
221, 229, 243, 251, 352, 373, 375 

— Josephine de : 22-48, 51-53, 56, 
64, 71, 80-81, 84-85, 92, 105-111 ; 
I15-I16, 120, 145-146, 149, 151- 
152, 156-158, 172-173, 202, 229- 
240, 242-245, 249-252, 259, 263, 
296, 306-307, 309, 324, 327-330, 
335-338, 348, 350, 352-353, 356, 365 

— Josephine - Maximilienne - Eugenie 
de: 173-175, 194, 199, 221-229, 
243, 251, 358, 368, 370-371, 375 

— Maximilian de : 362, 374 

— Stephanie de : 160, 166, 296, 371 

— Theodolinde de : 325, 358, 374 

— Marquis de, 337 

Bedford, John, 6th duke of: 102 
Begon, M. : 24 
Bell, Mr. : 163 

Bellegarde, Heinrich, Graf von : 31 1- 
312, 317, 322-323, 325, 327 



Bentinck, William Cavendish : 323 
Berlinghieri, Raimondo : 10 
Bernadotte, Oscar: 291, 370; notes: 

280, 347, 368 
Bernard-Derosne, Charles : 343 
Berry, Charles-Ferdinand, due de : 333 
Berthier, Alexandre: 71, 154, 184, 

222, 225, 242, 274, 283 
Bertoletti, General : 325 
Bessieres, Jean Baptiste : 69, 99-100, 

161, 166, 221, 280-281 
Blacas d'Aulps, Casimir, due de : 36 1 
Bon, General : 72-73 
Bonaparte, Caroline: 51, 63-64, 98, 

ISO, 172, 230, 234, 251, 297, 358, 

367 ; and note 94 

— Charles Louis : note 148 

— Elisa: 51, 184, 193, 305 

— Jerome: 53, 98, 145, 178, 190, 232, 
234-235, 254-255, 276, 367; and 
note 362 

— Joseph: 57-63, no, 122, 148, 153- 
154, 172, 176, 184, 190, 193, 197, 
231, 236, 283, 343, 366-367; and 
notes : 189, 258 

Bonaparte, Letizia: (Madame Mere): 
51, 55-56, 105, 178, 234-235, 281, 
353, 363, 366-367 

— Louis: 53, 88, loi, iio, 172, 177, 
190, 231, 283, 333, 363; and note 
148 

— Napoleon : 49-57, 63-82 ; et passim 

— Pauline: 51, 55, 63, 232, 234-235, 

251,367 

— Lucien : 89, 236, 367 
Bora, Count : 293 

Bordeaux, due de : notes : 30, 333, 355 
Borowsk, Battle of: 266-267 
Bourbons, the: 324, 332, 343, 351, 

357, 361; notes: 72, 137 
Bourcier, General : 280 
Braganze, duchesse de : 374 
Brazil, Emperor of: 374 
Braschi, Cardinal : 63 
Breme, M. de : 135 
Breval, M. : 338 
Bruce, Mr. : 354-355 
Brumaire 1 8th : 86-88 ; notes : 209, 

234 
Brune, Guillaume-Marie-Anne : 304 
Buddha : 364 
Buonaparte, Charles Marie : 281 



Cabarrus, Mile. See Tallien 
Caboga, Consul of Naples : 293 
Cacault, M. : 62 

Cadore, due de. See Champagny 
Cadoudal, Georges: 103-104; note 86 
Caffarelli, Auguste : 209, 216 
Caldiero, Battle of: 290 



INDEX 



39, 54, 154, 156, i; 



Calmelet, M. 
,159 
Cambaceres, Jean Jacques Regis de : 

174, 234-237 
Campan, Mme. : 52, 56, 64 

— M. fils : 52 

Campo-Formio : Treaty of: 122; note 

147 
Canino, Charles Lucien, Prince of: 

note 148 
Canova, Antonio : 368, 373 
Carlos, don, of Spain: 189 
Carmes, prison of Les : 36-39, 41-46 
Carnot, Lazare Nicolas Marguerite : 

291-292 
Caroline, duchesse de Berry : note 333 

— Queen of Etruria : note 354 

— Princess of Hesse- Darmstadt : note 
171 

Carpani, Giuseppe : 199 
Castiglione, due de. See Augereau 
Casse, baron du : 1 1 
Catherine, Empress of Russia : note 
340 

— Princess of Wiirtemberg : 234, 362, 
367 

Caulaincourt, Louis de : 105, 301, 324, 

371 
Cayla, Mme. du Zoe Talon : 331-332 
Ceracchi : 60, 100 
Cesarotti, Padre ; 179 
Cent-fours, the: 11, 341-351, 354; 

notes: 169, 183, 213, 227, 260, 292, 

304, 365 
Chaboulon, Fleury de : 341, 349 
Chambord, Comte de : note 333 
Chameroi, Mile. : 99 
Champagny, Jean-Baptiste Nompere 

de : 220 
Champcenetz, chevalier : 42 
Championnet, M. : note 134 
Charles, Hippolyte : 80-81 
Charles d'Anjou : 9-10 
Charles, Prince of Baden : 143-145, 

160, 166, 337 
Charles Frederick, Margrave of Baden- 

Durlach : 160 
Charles-William, Margrave of Baden- 

Durlach : note 160 
Charles Emmanuel II, King of Sar- 
dinia : 186 
Charles III of Spain : note 172 
Charles IV of Spain: 114, 188-190 
Charles X of Sweden : note 281 
Charles-Louis-Napoleon. 6'<f(? Napoleon 

III 
Charost, due de : 42 
Chasseloup-Laubat, Francois, comte de: 

133-134 
Chasteler, Jean Gabriel: 207, 219 
Chimay, Princesse de : See Tallien 
Chlapowski, Desire : 217 



379 



Christina, Archduchess of Austria: note 

339 
Clarke, Henri Jacques Guillaume, 292- 

293, 305, 308-310, 316, 321 
Clary, Charlotte : note 148 

— Desiree : 57, 61 

— Julie: 148,234, 343, 367 

— Julie, her daughter : note 148 

— Mme. : 57, 61 
Cochard, Fere : 32 

Cochelet, Mile. : 325, 334, 358, 360 

Colini, Mme. : 223 

College des Irlandais : 42, 52-53 

— d'Harcourt : 28 

— National de Strasbourg : 31-32 
Collet, M. : 85 

Coin it e de salut public : 50 
Compans, Jean Dominique : 260 
Conciergerie, prison of the : 41-42 
Conseil des Anciens : 86, 90 
Conseil des Cinq Cents: 88-90, note 

86 
Constant, M. : 87, 90, 97, 160 
Convention, the : 46, (iT^ 
Craio, General : J 37 
Cromwell, Oliver : 236 
Cubieres, Michel Chevalier de Dorat-: 

38, 47 
Custine, Delphine de : 37-38, 41 

— M. de : 38 

— Philippe de : 30 ; note 37 

D 

Dalberg, Charles, baron von : 148, 242 
Damas, Roger, comte de : 137 
Dante : 9 
Danton, Georges Jacques : notes : 86, 

304 
Darnay, baron, 152, 243, 272, 329, 

346, 352, 370-371 
Darret, M. : 40 
Davout, Louis Nicolas : 69, 217, 261, 

267 
Dazincourt : 91 
Debreme, General : 215 
Delacroix, General : 215 
Delaunay (Jourdan) : note 268 
Delzons, General : 264 
Denon, Dominique Vivant, baron 
Desaix, Louis Charles Antoine 

69, 210 
Dillon regiment : note 198 
Dorat, Jean Dinemandy : note 38 
Doue, Mme. : 44 
Dresden, Battle of: 285 
Drouet d'Erlon, Jean Baptiste : 227 
Dubois, Antoine : 250 
Dubourdieu, Captain : 246-247 
Ducrest, Georgette: 251-252 
Duchatel, Mme. : 110-114, 1 16 
Duera, Buoso da : 9 



348 
66, 



38o 



EUGENE DE BEAUHARNAIS 



Dufalgua, General : 73 

Dugazon, Jean Baptiste Henri Gour- 

gaud : 91-92 
Duhesme, Guillaume-Philibert : 169- 

Dumanoir, Rear-Admiral : 138 

Dumoulin, Mme. : 45 

Dumouriez, Charles-Fran9ois : note 

340 
Duphot, Leonard : 57-61 
Duroc, Michel: 55, 65, 69, 75, 120- 

121, 160-161, 209, 221, 243 
Dutruy, General : 202 
Dyck, Anthony van : 368 

E 

d'Eckmiihl, Prince. See Davout 
d'Elchingen, due. See Ney 
Elliott, Grace Dalrymple : 37-38, 41 
Emerson, Ralph Waldo : 144 
d'Enghien, Louis Antoine Henri de 

Bourbon-Conde, due : 104-105,136; 

note 207 
Essling, Battle of : note 93 
Esterhazy, Nicolas : 340 
Etats gineraux : 21-22; note: 31,32 
Euphemie : 25 
Eylau, Battle : note 99 



Faye, Jacques de La : 105 
— Planat de La : 371 
Faypoult, M. : 315 
Feltre, due de. See Clarke 
Ferdinand IV, King of Naples, 115, 

122, 127, 170-172; notes: 137, 186, 

199 
Ferdinand VH of Spain : 189-190, 

300 ; note 188 
Fesch, Joseph : 136, 350 
Fieschi, Joseph : note 307 
Fister, M. : 65 

Fontenay, Mme. de. See Tallien 
Fontanelli, General: 211, 293, 325 
Fontanes, Louis de : 236 
Fortis, M. : 272 
" Fortune" : 41, 105 
Fouche, Joseph : 10, 104, 290-291,302, 

305> 314-316, 352 
Foures, Mme. : 71-72 
Fourre, M. : 204 
Fran9ois 1 : 103 

Francesco IV Gonzaga : note 107 
Francis I of Austria : note 186 
Francis II : 122, 167, 240-243, 

300, 311-312, 324, 339-340, 

347, 360 ; notes : 133, 216 
Francis I of the Two Sicilies ; 

361 
Frederick, Prince of Hohenzollern- 

Hechingen : 373 



291, 
344, 



note 



Frederico I, Duke of Mantua, note 117 

Frederick William III of Prussia : 

171, 277, 282, 300, 321, 333, 336- 

337 
Frederick- Augustus I, King of Saxony : 

178, 255 
Frederick I, King of Wiirtemberg : 

149, 287 
Friedland, Battle of: notes : 99, 307 
Frioul, due de. See Duroc 



Gabrielli, Cardinal : 191-192 

Gallo, Marquis de : 115 

Gambetta, Leon : 201 

Gantheaume, General : 82 

Garat, Joseph : 86 

Garreau, General : 202 

George III of England : 300 

Gerard, Etienne-Maurice : 280 

" Ghiraldina " : 139-141 

Ghisleri, Marchese de : 115 

Gifflenga, General: 218, 323 

Girondins, the : 32 

Gleitsberg, Heinrich, Count of: note 

287 
Godoy, Prince of Peace : 188 ; note 189 
Goes, comte de : 340 
Gohier, Jerome : 87, 89 

— Mme. : 87 

Gordon, Sarah, Duchess of: 101-102 

— Georgiana : 102 
Graham, Mr. : 164 
Grenier, General : 206, 326 
Grouchy, Emmanuel : 213 ; note 280 
Guidal, Maximilien-Joseph, 268 
Gustavus-Adolphus of Sweden : 281 
Gyulay, Ignaz, 219 



H 

Hamilton, Lady: note 186 

Hanau, Battle of : 290 

Harrop, Mr. : 42 

Hassan Bey, 77 

Heine, Heinrich : 300 

Hennin, M. : 289 

Henry III of England : 10 

Henry VIII of England : 187, 236 

Hesse-Cassel, Wilhelm IX of : 348 

Hoche, Lazare : 45-47, 54, 69 ; note 

122 
Hofer, Andreas : 198-199, 224, 226- 

229, 318 
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Amalia of : 

30-31, 373 
Hope, Henry Philip : note 373 
Hostein, Mme. : 26, 38, 40 
Hulin, Pierre-Auguste, 268 
Hutchinson, Mr. : 354-355 



INDEX 



381 



Isabey, Jean Baptiste : 97-98, 109 
d'Istrie, due. See Bessi^res 



J 

Jacquin, cure : 24 
Janois, M. : 277 
Jellachich, Franz : 213-214 
Jena, Battle of: 171 ; note 99 
Johann, Baptiste P'abian Sebastian, 

Archduke of Austria : 199-205, 207, 

212-217, 219, 340 
Joubert, Barthaleniy-Catherine : note 

272 
— M. : 272 
Jourdan, Jean Baptiste : 69, 128, 134, 

340 ; notes : 122, 133, 198 
Jube, General : 89 
July, Revolution of : 11 
Junot, Andoche : 69, 81, 106, 109-110, 

282-284 

K 

Karl, Archduke of Austria: 133-134, 
136, 207 ; notes : 162, 199, 311 

Kercolani, Mme. : 223 

Khayyam, Omar : 75 

Kieski, General : 210 

Kinnaird, Lord : 366 

Kleber, Jean Baptiste : 67, 69, 75 

Kliski, Colonel : 279 

Koch, Colonel : 374 

Kriidener, Juliane von Vietinghof, 
baroness von : 359-360 

KutusofF, Michael, 260-261, 264, 267 



La Fontaine, Jean : 197 

Lagarde, M. : 119 

Lahorie, General : 268 

Lamarque, Maximilien : 200-201, 210- 

211 
Lannes, Jean : 69, 93-94, 161 
Lanoy, Marie : 39, 41, 45 
La Pagerie, Joseph Gaspard Tascher 

de ; 24 

— Mme. : 27 
Larrey, Baron : 71, 371 
Lasalcette, General : 301 

Las Cases, Dieudonne, comte de : 363 

Lascy, M. de : 137 

Laserre, Dr. : 336 

La Tour d'Auvergne, Theodore Malo 

Corret de : 357 
Lavalette, Marie Joseph Chamans, 

comte de : 63-65, 69, 87, 178, 253, 

33«, 346, 354-357, 364 

— Mme. de. See Emilie de Beau- 
harnais 

Lavigne, M. : 65 



Lauriston, Alexandre Bernard Law, 
marquis de : 69, 98, 162, 165 

Law, John : note 162 

Lecchi, General : 298 

Leclerc, Victor Emmanuel : 54-55, 63, 
251 

Lega, cur-e : 183 

Legnago, Battle of : 298 

Leipsic, Battle of: 290-291; notes: 
219, 258, 260 

Lemarrois, Fran9ois : 183, 185 

— Jean : 54 

Leuchtenberg, Duke of. See Eugene 

de Beauharnais 
Eigne, Charles, Prince de : 340 
Litta, Cardinal : 182 

— Duchesse de : 243 
Livy : 179 

Lodi, Duca di. See Melzi 
Louis IX of France : 10 

— XIV of France : 21 

— XV of France: 21, 56 ; note 186 

— XVI of France: 21, 29, 94, 188; 
notes : 99, 134, 255 

— XVIII of France : 329-335, 341, 
343. 347, 351, 373; notes: 258, 260, 
277, 292, 355, 361 

" Louis le Debonnaire" : 180-181 
Louis-Philippe: 115,251,366; notes: 

134, 258, 307 
Louis I of Parma, King of Etruria : 

".4 
Louis II, King of Etruria: note 114 

Louis X, landgrave of Hesse-Darm- 
stadt : 146 
Louisa Augusta Wilhelmina Amelia : 

Queen of Prussia : 171 
Louvel, Louis Pierre : note 333 
Lowe, Hudson : 362-363 
Ludwig II, King of Bavaria : 356 
Luneville, Treaty of: loi, 122, 142; 

note 348 
Liitzen, Battle of: 281-282 
Luxemburg, prison of: 33-37 

M 

MacDermott, Father : 52, 53 

Macdonald, Etienne -Jacques -Joseph- 
Alexandre : 69, 198, 204, 207, 210- 
211, 213, 218-219, 324; note 134 

Mack, Charles : 134 

Mahomet : 364 

Maiso7i Josiphine : 167 

Malet, Claude Fran9ois : 268-269 

Marat, Eloge de : note 38 

Marengo, Battle of: 215-216 

Maret, Hugues Bernard, due de 
Bassano : 150, 341 ; note 134 

Maria, dona de Gloria : 374 

Maria Ludovica Beatrix, Empress of 
Austria : 216, 344 



382 



EUGfeNE DE BEAUHARNAIS 



Maria-Theresa of Austria : notes : i86, 

327 
Maria Theresa de Bourbon : note 188 
Maria Theresa of Savoy : note 333 
Marie, Grand-duchesse of Russia : 374 
Marie- Amelia, Queen of the French : 

"5 
Marie- Antoinette of France : 21, 56; 

note 52 
Marie - Caroline, Queen of Naples : 

122, 137, 186 ; note 172 
Marie-Louise, Empress of the French : 

II, 240-245, 247, 250-251, 254, 279, 

324, 346, 360 ; note 220 

— Queen of Etruria : 114, 139, 142, 
181, 193 

— Queen of Spain: 188-190; note 

Marmont, Auguste Frederic-Louis : 10, 
55) 67, 69, 121, 150-151, 163, 167- 
168, 190, 196, 210, 260, 307-308, 
316, 318, 352, 374-375 

Martinengo, M. de : 173 

Massena, Andre: 69, 128-129, 131- 

136 

Masson, Frederic : 45 
Mathieu, General : note 213 
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Duke of: note 

171 
Mejean, comte de : 119, 336, 341 
Melzi, Francesco di : 115, 327 
Menou, Jean-Fran9ois : 67, 193 
Metternich, Clement Wenceslas Nepo- 

muk : 220, 240, 284, 340-341, 349 

— Mme. von : 240 
Michau, M. : 91 

Mincio, Battles of the : 304, 307, 318- 

3'9 
Miollis, Alexandre-Fran9ois : 147-148, 

186-187, igi, 194, 301, 305, 327 
Miot de Melito, comte : 153 
Mockern, Battle of: 279 
Molitor, Gabriel Jean Joseph : 162- 

163, 167 
Montebello, due de. See Lannes 
Montes, Lola : note 123 
Montfort, Guy de : 9 
Montereau, Battle of: 314-315 
Montholon, Charles Tristan, comte de : 

368-370 
Montmirail, Battle of: 307 
Montmorency, Mathieu Jean Felicite, 

comte de : 30 
Montmorin, comte de : 28 

— comtesse de : 28, 45 
Montsoreau, comte de : 361 
Moreau, Jean Victor : 86-87, 104 ; 

notes : 122, 133, 198, 340 
Mortier, Joseph, due de Trevlse : 307 
Moscow, Battle of: 260-261; note 

257 
Moskowa, prince de la. See Ney 



Mourad Bey : 68, 70, 368 

Mme. : 70-71, 368 

Mouton-Duvernet, Barth61emy, baron : 

354, 356-357 
Murat, Letizia : 358 

— Joachim, King of Naples: II, 55, 
63, 69, 88, 94, 96, no, 172, 184, 
189, 231-234, 236, 260, 264, 269- 
270, 272-273, 276, 283, 290, 295- 
306, 308-309, 314-316, 318-323, 344 

Murillo : Bartholomew Esteban : 308 

N 

Napoleon-Charles: 174, 177 
Napoleon-Louis : 333, 337, 353. 3^3 
Napoleon II, King of Rome : 249-253, 
279, 324, 346, 351, 364, 366; note 

Napoleon III (Charles-Louis-Napo- 
leon) : 190, 333-334, 337, 353, 35^, 
360, 363, 374 ; note 368 
Narbonne, Louis, comte de : 255 
Neapolas : note 126 
Nerwinde, Battle of: note 340 
Nesselrode, Charles Robert von : 335 
Neufchatel, Prince de. See Berthier 
Neuveville, Jean-Guillaume Hyde de : 

361 
Nevil, M. : 34 
Ney, Michel: 69, 260, 260-271, 276, 

324 
Nicolas, Emperor of Russia : 374 
Niepper, General von : 325 
Noailles, Juste de : 103 

— Louis de : 22 

Novi, Battle of: notes : 213, 272 

O 

O'Meara, Doctor : note 49 

Oscar of Sweden, Prince : 368, 370- 

371 
Orie^it, the : 65-66 
d'Otrante, due. See Fouche 



Pages, General : 202 

Palatine, Prince : 216 

Palmezaux, M. : note 38 

Palombini, General : 293 

Pamfili, Cardinal Doria : 58, 61-62 

Panthemont, Convent of: 25 

Papoli, marchese : note 358 

Perigord, Archambault de : 102-103 

Petre, F. Loraine : note 194 

Petrus, mameluke : 215, 271 

Phihppe Egalite, due d'Orleans : 37 

Philippe, Duke of Parma : note 189 

Piave, Battle of: 209 

Pichegru, Charles : 103-104 ; note 86 

Pino, General : 287, 327 



^n~ 



89. 



INDEX 



383 



Pius VI : 57-63 

Pius VII : 101, 175-176, 179-182, 

184-188, 191, 194, 195, 203, 211, 

248, 320, 353, 369 
Polastron, Louise de : 332 
Polignac, Armand, comte de : 104 
Poniatowski, Joseph : note 258 
Pons, General : 219 
Prague, Congress of: note 255 
Presburg, Treaty of: 138, 142-143, 

162-163, 361 
Prina, Signor : 327 
Pulitzer, Albert : 200, 243 
Pyramids, Battle of the : 69 

R 

Raab, Battle of: 215-218 

Ramolino, Letizia. See Letizia Bona- 
parte 

Rapp, Jean : 69-70 

Re, comte : 353 

Recamier, Mme. : 102 

Regnault de Saint-Jean d'Angely, 
Etienne : 177, 234, 236 

Renaudin, Mme. : 24, 30 

Rembrandt, Hermanszoon : 368 

Remusat, Mme. de : 92, 103, 106, 112, 
120, 156-159, 329 

— comte de : 114 
Reuss, Graf von : 123, 287 
Ricci, cur^: 183 

Richard, Earl of Cornwall, 10 
Richelieu, Armand Emmanuel, due 

de : 331 
Riviere, M. de : 104 
Rivarol, Antoine : note 42 
Robespierre, Maximilien : 38, 44, 50 
Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien : 

note 147 
Roger-Ducos, M. : 89 
Rohan, Prince de : 136 

— Guemene, Prince de : 340 

— Rochefort, Charlotte de : 105 
Romano, Giulio : note 1 17 
Romeo : 9-10 

Rostoptchin, Fedor : 261 
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques : 40 
Rubens : 368 



Sabatier, M. : 39, 45 

Sacile, Battle of : 202-203 

Sacken, Fabian von der Osten : 307 

Saint-Cyr, Laurent Gouvion : 122, 136 

Saint-Herem, M. : 47 

Saint-Hilaire, Emile de : 139, 250 

Saint-Leu, duchesse de. See Hortense 

de Beauharnais 
Saint-Marein, Battle of: 286 
Saint-Michel, General Lacombe : 130 
Saint-Victor, General Rouyer : 322-323 



Salimbini, Signor: 118 

— General : 118 
Salm-Kyrburg, Frederick: Prince of: 

30-31. 42 
Sandizel, comtesse de : 243 
Sanois, Rose Claire Desvergers de '• 24 
Saxe-Coburg, Frederick Josias, Duke 

of: 340 
Saxe-Teschen, Albert von : 339-340, 

344-345 
Schumann, Robert : 300 
Schwarzenberg, Prince von : 244 

— Princess Pauline von : 244 
Sebastiani, Horace : 258 
Seras, General: 169, 21 1 
Seven Years' War : note 340 
Severoli, Cardinal : 194-195 

— General : 202 
Sherlock, Mr. : 59-60 
Sieyes, Emmanuel Joseph : 88 
Smith, Sir Sidney : 76-77, 79 
Sorbier, Barthelemont de, 208 
Soulanger, M. : 156 
Soulanges, chevalier : 346 
Soult, Nicolas-Jean-de-Dieu : 69 
Stael, Mme. de : 97 

Stenger, Gilbert : 361 
Sulkowski, General : 72 
Suvarrof, General : note 257 



Talleyrand- Perigord : Charles Maurice 

de: 102-103, 145, 291, 331, 340 
Tallien, Jean Lambert : 44, 54 

— Mme. : 46 

Tarente, due de. See Macdonald 
Tascher, comte de : 228-230, 307-308, 

315-316, 337 
Teniers, David : 368 
Teste, General : 202 
Theot, Catherine : note 32 
Theresa, Princess of Saxony : note 123 
Thermidor 9th : 30 ; note 32 
Thiemet, M. : 91-92 
Thiers, Louis Adolphe : 201 
Thorwaldsen, Albert : 373 
Thugut, Franz Maria, Baron von : 144 
Thurn und Taxis, Prince von : 293- 

296, 302 
Tiers Etat : 21-22 
Tilsitt, Peace of: 178 

— Treaty of: 173 ; note 171 
Tisson, General : 176 
Torrington, George, Viscount : note 

102 
Tremo'ille, princesse de la : 361 
Trevise, due de. See Mortier 
Triaire, M. : 289 
Turenne, Henri de La Tour d' Auvergne : 



357 
Turquan, Joseph : 70 



384 



eug£ne de 

V 

Vadier, Marc-Guillaume : 32-33 
Valvassone, General : 219 
Vauchamps, Battle of: 316 
Vaudoncourt, General de : 365 
Velasquez, Diego : 368 
Verdier, General : 304 
Verdiere, M. : 26-28 
Vicence, due de. See Caulamcourt 
Victorine : 40, 48 
Villele, Joseph, comte de : note 331 
Virgil : 304 ; note 147 
Voltaire, Fran9ois Marie Arouet de : 
40 

W 

Wagram, Battle of: 218-219; notes; 

72, 133, 162, 213, 280, 290 
— Prince of. See Berthier 
Walewska, Mme. : 130 
Ward, General : 42 



BEAUHARNAIS 



325 

notes 



280, 



Wartenberg, General von 
Waterloo, Battle of: 350; 

304 
Weigl, Joseph : 222 
Weissenfels, Battle of : 280 
Werner, Baron : 349 ^ , 

Wilhelm I, Elector of Hesse-Cassel : 

348 
Wilson, Sir Robert : 354-355 
Wrede, Charles Philip, Prince von: 

290. 341 ^ ^go 

Wurmbs, Baroness von : 243, 25», 

336-337, 359 
Wurtemberg, Wilhelm I of : 360 
— Count Wilhelm of : 374 



Znaym, Peace of: 225, 227 
Zucchi, General : 293 
Zurich, Battle of : note 307 



WILLIAM BKKWDON AND SON, LTU. 
PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH 



«>' *r»>' o 









%b 'a . » * A ^ . 



•o*^.-.%.- 






^0 V*^^\/.:%/^^V\ 
















> o. 









- -^^0^ 

.^^ 



'> y^^^^ Z^ 



?\'^%-."'^.. J\^^.^^>^^ ./.^A•il^%; .^^ 








































n^o* 



^""t. 



.■* Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proci 

' ■ ■ . .. -^: ._ Oxide 



«,- tT. ii>%JjWCv^ * ^^ ^i^J}''^ * ueaciaiiiea using uib duumnccj. 

<t,^ <^ * ^^^^>^' cO <^ * *T^ • "* i^ Neutralizing agent: Magnesium 

^ O *o«o .O ^^^ S^ Treatment Date: Uifa 







^ ^^ «* PreservationTechnolog 






, A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVAT 

111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 
(724)779-2111 




^^--^^ V 



w f 

^°-^^. '. 



,0, 













-iV ^** • » • * . W vy 



■' ->- .-)*■" .-^^ir. '*^. C0\.j;.;;^-. '°o .-i* .»-"• 








>••. '^o 













DOBBS BROS. _ , ^ O * 



1 A H ^ ® 

ST. AUGUSTINE 
^ FLA. 
32084 










